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/ 



A WORKING MANUAL 



-OF- 



AMERICAN HISTOEY 



FOR- 



TEACHERSAND STUDENTS 



BY 



a-^'-' 



,D^ 



WILLIAM H. MACE 



PROFESSOR OP HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE IN SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY. 

AND EXAMINER IN HISTORY FOR HIGHER DEGREES TO THE 

UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK 





SYRACUSE, N. Y. ol%ln . 

C. W. BARDEEN, PUBLISHER /O f 

1895 



^ 



Copyright, 1895, by W. H. Mace 



HOW TO USE THE MANUAL 



The Thought of tlie Manual. — The idea undeil}^- 
ing the Manual is that history is a process, and that 
it is not at all understood unless it is so conceived 
and studied. Fundamentally history is not an ex- 
ternal or physical process. It is not a process of oc- 
curring events and incidents, although it has these 
accompaniments, hut is rather the connected growth 
of ideas and institutions. 

The Relation between Events and Ideas. — Ideas 
and institutions grow, but events do not. The 
former have a continuous existence, while tlie 
latter only occur. Events as such have no con- 
nection among themselves. Tliey are the external 
forms in wdiich ideas and sentiments, in the process 
of growth, express themselves. Tlie physical facts 
of history are a means to the inner facts which are 
the end. This relation is often reversed in the mind 
of the student, by poor teaching. Not only is 
this relation reversed, but the student loses siglit of 
the movement of ideas and tlie growth of institu- 
tions almost altogether, and constantly speaks in 
terms of events. Tlie student must not form the 

(3) 



4 MANUAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY 

habit of accounting for a series of events by referring 
to another series of external Imppenings. If he 
says that the Stamp Act caused the Stamp Act 
Congress, he may or may not be right. If this is 
all he can say, he has missed the point. If his 
mind passes directly from one of these acts to the 
other, the teacher ought to be alarmed. If events 
are to be accounted for, it must be done in terms of 
institutional ideas and sentiments. The event must 
be seen to flow out a wave of public sentiment or 
some thought, feeling or custom, which is its true 
cause, and its effects must be discovered in terms of 
a changed public sentiment. Now, the Manual is 
so constructed as to enable the teacher to preserve 
the proper relations between these two forms of his-^ 
torical phenomena, and also to force the student to 
explain movements in terms of institutional life. 

Connections in History. — Turning to the growtli 
of ideas and institutions, it may be said that here 
rests the true basis for viewing the subject-matter as 
a continuous process. Continuity is a law of life 
everywhere, but no where more than in history. 
Ideas and institutions in the process of growth not 
only move from one stage to another, and thus mark 
a sort of continuousness, but also, and more impor- 
tant still, they preserve in the new stage something 
of the old. Tliis is illustrated in the fact that the 
growth of cor)poration and union between the people 
of the thirteen colonies is found in every important 



HOW TO USE THE MANUAL 5 

event from 1760 to 1787, and that the sentiment 
and principle of nationality connects the great 
events from 1787 to 1870. This law of the contin- 
uous persistence of a great institutional idea is kept 
to the front not only in the Outline, but also in the 
Original Matter. 

How Historical Progress is Marked. — In pass- 
ing from one stage to another, ideas and institutions 
take on differences as well as retain a sameness. 
In flict the student becomes conscious of a new stage 
only by the discovery of differences in the ideas, 
sentiments, and purposes. The discovery of these 
differences suggest to the student the progress of 
institutional life, and when the difference becomes 
great enough to dominate the movement of events, 
the new stage has arrived, and the differentiation is 
marked enough to be designated as a new j^liase or 
period. Tlie Manual does not follow the conven- 
tional division into periods and sub-periods. This 
is especially true of our history from 1760 to 
1789, and from 1789 to 1870. The divisions made 
illustrate an effort to find and designate parts which 
Avill reveal the development of ideas and institutions 
according to the laws of growth. Over-lapping dates 
are put down because, under the laws of growth, 
ideas and movements over-lap. And instead of 
confusing the student, they ought to keep before his 
mind the very important fact that life is continuous, 
and is not broken up into sections, as so often illus- 



b MANUAL OK AMERICAN HISTOEY 

tratecl by the artificial jjcriods in some texts and in 
many outlines. 

Historical Problems. — It appears from the above 
that the problem of history is the mastering of the 
process by which institutional life has come to be 
what it is. While institutional life exhibits the five 
great phases of politics, religious and moral influ- 
ences, cultural agencies, mdustrial life, and social 
life, yet these all constitute one life and their 
unitary growth and inter-dependence prove it. 
Each phase or period of history is such by virtue of 
the fact that it is dominated by some characteristic 
movement. The problem of any period or sub-pe- 
riod is to discover and master that dominating 
movement. The answer to this problem the teacher 
must know from the beginning, in order that intel- 
ligent and definite direction may be given to the 
student's study. The student may not, perhaps 
should not, know in terms of the special 2)roblem 
what the solution Avill be. The Manual is con- 
structed ou the idea that there are definite and ac- 
curate problems in history which the student must 
work out himself, and that these range in impor- 
tance from the mastery of the content of a single 
event, or a series, up through the meaning of sub- 
periods, and periods to the common content of our 
history as a whole. 

Relative Yalue of Historieal Matter. — When the 
teacher has discovered and solved the problem of 



HOW TO USE THE MANUAL 7 

any period or ])liase of institutional life, the ques- 
tion of the distriljution of the student's time and 
energy is greatly sini])lified. Au event, or any 
other fact, will have value to the student only in 
[)roportiou to its contrihution to the solution of the 
problem in hand. If it reveals little to the student, 
it is worth little. If it gives him great insight into 
the movement he is trying to master, it is an event 
of great value. By the same principle the least and 
the greatest event in a series can be determined. 
The amount of space given in a text to any fact is 
not a safe guide, and neither is the Outline intended 
to exhibit accurately the relative value of historical 
matter. 

The True Guide in Historical Study. — As far as 

the subject-matter can set the pur2)ose for which it 
is studied, the true guide in history will be found 
in the essence of the subject itself — its nature, prin- 
ciples and laws. Do not, therefore, slavishly follow 
the Outline and References. But hold to the lead- 
ings of the truth as revealed in the growth, and devel- 
opment of the life of the people. Drop out jjortions 
of the Outline if not needed or impossible of use by 
your grade of students, or extend it if not full 
enough. Do not try to read all the references. The 
large number of authorities is given to accommo- 
date large classes, with but a short period each day 
devoted to the study, and to favor those communities 
where historical works are few. 



The Way Found for Transfer of Old World 
Ideas and Institutions to the New World 



General Causes Opening up America to Europe 



General European Situation at the Close of the 
Middle Ages 

1. Eevival of learuing and religion. 

2. Widespread interest in commerce and naviga- 

tion. 

3. Remote and immediate causes of discovery of 

America discussed below. 

The Effects of the Crusades 

1. General intellectual results. 

2. Special results pointing toward America. 

(1) Improvements in navigation and ship- 

building. 

(2) Travels in the East. 

a. Visits of Marco Polo and Sir John 

Mandeville. 
h. AVork of others. 

Portuguese Enterprise 

1. How related to travels in the East. 
(9) 



10 GENERAL CAUSES 

2. Prince Henry and his school. 

3. Coast voyages and experiments with the coni- 

pase. 

4. Work of De Gama and others. 

5. Direct and indirect relation to discovery of 

America. 
Invention of Printing 

1. Time and ])lace. 

2. General effect npon work of Columbus. 
Political and Commercial Condition of Eui'ope 

1. Rise of great nations. 

2. Ambitious and aggressive monarchs. 

3. Fall of Constantinople. 

(1) Time and cause. 

(2) Effect upon overland trade with India. 

(3) Navigators go West and take employment 

. with rival monarchs. 

(4) Need for a new route to India. 

Christopher Columhus 

1. Early preparation for his work. 

2. How helped and hindered in Portugal. 

(1) By his marriage. 

(2) By aids to his growing idea. 

(3) By conduct of the state officials. 

3. Aid from Spain. 

(1) Helps and hindrances. 

(2) His victory and conditions imposed. 



TRANSFER OF IDEAS 11 

4. The first voyage. 

(1) Experiences in reaching America. 

(2) Effects on Spain and rest of Europe. 



Where European Nations Planted their Institutions 



Ownership of Newly Discovered Lauds Determined 

1. By time of discovery. 

2. By exploration and final settlement. 

Spanish Explorations 

1. Select for study only those events which 

(1) Extend Spanish claims 

(2) Or tend to confirm claims made. 

2. Mark the limits on the map in each case. 

3. Fix rightful, and also doubtful, claims as a 

whole. 

Claims of the French— Treat in same way 
Work of the English* 

1. Study out same points as above. 

2. Give more empliasis to English effort. Why ? 

*It is a common mistake, in dealing with European explora- 
tions, to assume that all explorers and events connected there- 
with belong to American history. Many of them belong to the 
history of the various nations, some to general history, some are 
of no historical value, while a few fall within the limits of 
American history, and only those whose influence affected to an 
appreciable extent the growth of American life. 



12 WHERE IDEAS WERE PLANTED 

Historical Geogrjiphy of America* 

2, Physical conditions. 

(1) Work out the general j)hysical features of 

the continent having historical value. 

(2) Physical characteristics of each region. 
a. Work out those influencing life. 

h. State resemblances and differences be-. 

tween these regions, 
c. Draw conclusions in the light of this 

comparison. 

3. Thenatives.f 

(1) A leading characteristics. 

(2) Raise the question of the extent to which 

they influenced American history. 

References 

For maratime revival, see general histories. Irving's Col- 
umbus ; Columbus, by Charles Kendall Adams ; Writings of 
Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville ; Goodrich's History of the 
Sea; Fiske'sDiscoveryof America, i. 256-516, i. 1-212 ; Thwaite's 
Colonies ; Fisher's Colonial Era ; and Andrews' History of the 
United States Vol. 1. 

Beazley's Henry the Navigator (maps and charts illustrating 
geographical knowledge from before Crusades to Columbus). 

* Without doubt ideas are greatly influenced by physical 
environment. It docs not follow however that all the geographical 
characteristics of America are to be studied as part of its history. 
A geographical fact becomes a part of history to the student only 
when he can trace the process by which it enters into the growth 
of human affairs, otherwise the fact is purely geographical. 

f The story of the Indian and the Mound -builder is full of 
chai-m and appeals to the imagination. But the question still 
remains ; Is this story a part of the history of American life ? 



The Planting of English Ideas and Customs and 
THEIR Growth into American Institutions 



Virginia, tJie Representative Southern Colony 



A PERIOD OF PLANTING 

The London and Plymouth Companies 

1. Origin and nature. 

2. Purpose — special and general. 

The First Charter, 1606-1609 

1. Parties to the Charter and the purpose of each. 

2. Leading provisions. 

3. Principal events. 

(1) Formation of the settlement and character 

of the colonists. 

(2) Work of John Smith. 

4. Condition of the Colony in 1609. 

Second Charter, 1609-1612 

1. Cause ; changes and their significance. 

2. Leading events. 

3. Changes in the laws. 

4. Introduction of tobacco culture — effects. 

(13) 



14 VIRGINIA 

Third Charter, 1612-1624 

1. Changes in the new Charter and their influence. 

2. Leading events. 

(1) New land tenure — effects. 

(2) Governor Yeardly and the First Assembly, 

1619. 

a. Causes of both. 

h. AVork and influence of both. 

3. The labor system. 

(1) Indented servants. 

(2) Negro slaves ; cause of introduction and 

effects. 

4. Introduction of family life and its eff'ects. 

5. The written Constitution, 1621, 

(1) Origin and nature. 

(2) Results. 

6. Loss of the Charter, 1624. 

(1) Causes in England and America. 

(2) Conduct of the Colony and its significance. 

(3) Effects upon the Colony. 

References 

Bancroft, i. 120-122; 188-137; 145-146 (old ed.). Bancroft 
i. 95-96 (Centenary ed.). Bancroft i. 84-133 (latest ed,). Lodges 
English Colonies, 2-10. Doyle's English Colonies, i. 109-1 C^: 
Fisher's Colonial Era, 30-48. Thwaite's Colonies, 65-75. C 
tury Magazine, xxv. 69-83. Andrews' History of '' 
States, i. 31-37. 



POLICY TOWARD ENGLISH AUTHORITY 15 

DEVELOPMENT OF VIRGINIA'S POLICY TOWARD 
ENGLISH AUTHORITY 

The King Wants the Tobacco Trade 

1. Reasons. 

2. Protest of Virginia and the result. 
Governor Harvey and the Burgesses 

1. Causes of the quarrel. 

2. Action of the Burgesses and its significance. 

3. King's decision and its effects. 
Agitation for Restoration of London Co., 1631 

1. Opposition of Virginians. 

2. Account for the change of sentiment and study 

its significance. 

The Commonwealth 

1. State and explain Virginia's sentiment toward 

the Puritan revolution. 

2. Parliamentary warships and commissioners. 

3. Nature and meaning of the compromise. (Doc- 
ument I.) 

Navigation Laws in Virginia 

1. Nature and non-enforcement in Cromwell's 

time. 

2. Under Charles II. 

Grant to Arlington and Culpepper, 1075 

1. Character of tlie grant. 



16 VIRGINIA 

2. Extent, significance, and results of the opposi- 
tion. 

Bacon's Rebellion. (Document II.) 

1. Causes — si^ecific and fundamental. 

2. Leading events. 

3. Results — fundamental and particular. 

4. Does this rebellion mark the triumph of the 

movement discovered in the preceding events? 
Prove. 

References 
Bancroft, i. 197-207 ; 216-227 (old ed.) ; i. 153-159 ; 169-179 ; 
531-558 (Centenary ed.) Doyle's English Colonies, i. 221-254. 
Lodge's English Colonies, 13-23. Bancroft, i. 135-149 ; 446-448 ; 
455-474 (old ed.). Fisher's Colonial Era, 44-56. Cook's Virginia, 
164-175 ; 193-199 ; 215-292. Thwaite's Colonies, 75-80. An- 
drews' History of the United States, i. 112-115. 



TENDENCY OF DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS 

Virginia's Indnstrial System, 1624-1750 

1. Its peculiarity. (Document V.) 

2. Classes of laborers. 

3. Results to the slaveholder. 

(1) Economical. 

(2) Social. 

(3) Political. 

4. Results to tlie non-slaveholder. 

(1) Economical disadvantages. 

(2) Social. 

(3) Educational and ])olitical. 



INSTITUTIONAL TENDENCIES 17 

Social Life 

1. Social grades and their causes. 

2. Results of these distinctions. 
Educational Facilities 

1. Why no public schools in the South. 

2. Attempts to found colleges. 

3. Opportunities for education open 

(1) To slaveholder. 

(2) To non-slaveholder. 
Religious Life 

1. The Estabhshed Church. 

(1) How established. 

(2) To what extent supported by law ? 

2. The dissenters. 

(1) Who they were. 

(2) What disadvantages met them ? 
Politics 

1. State government. 

(1) Legislation participated in by whom and 

from whence their authority ? 

(2) Administration participated in by whom, 

and whence their authority ? 

(3) Justice administered by what courts ? 

2. Local government. 

(1) County and parish systems. 

(2) Why no town government ? 

3. Account for government being controlled by the 

planters. 



18 MASSACHUSETTS 

General Principle of Growth * 

1. What law or tendency discovered in the develop- 

ment of Virginia's institutions ? 

2. Account for this tendency. 

References 

Lodge's English Colonies, 41-92. Doyle's English Colonies, 
i. 381-395, See topics above in contents of different editions of 
Bancroft. Fisher's Colonial Era, 56-61. Century Magazine, xxviii, 
250-251 ; 853-865. Washington and His Country, 124-130. Gay's 
Madison, 49-51. Lodge's Washington, i. 15-28. Cook's Vir- 
ginia, 364-374. Thwaites' Colonies, 96-111. Andrews, i. 119-122. 



Massachusetts, the Representative New England Colony 



A PERIOD OF PLANTING 

Plymoutli Company and Council f 

1 . Time and limits of the grants. 

2. Motives of the parties. 

3. Read story of first efforts to make settlements. 
Pilgrims 

1. Trace origin of Puritans. 

2. Formulate their political and religious ideas. 

3. Trace origin and history of Pilgrims to Ply- 

mouth. 

* While these points touching institutional life belong to Vir- 
ginia, they may be applied to the study of the Southern Colonies 
as a whole, with valuable results. 

f The points under this head are not intended to reveal any 
phase of New England institutional life, but are merely intro- 
ductory. 



FOUNDING THE BAY COLONY 19 

4. Work out resemblances and differences from 

Puritans. 

5. Discover the principles in the Mayflower Com- 

pact. 

6. Leading facts in the life of the Plymouth 

Colony. 

References 

Bancroft, i. 277-309 (old ed.) ; i. 210-243 (Centenary) ; i. 177- 
214 (last) ; Doyle, ii. 27-49. Lodge's Colonies, 341-342. Pal- 
frey's New England, i. 101-160. Century Magazine, xxv. 351- 
355. Fisher's Colonial Era, 82-99. Campbell's Puritans in Hol- 
land, England, and America, i. 438-508 ; ii. 177-249. Thwaites' 
Colonies 113-124. Fiske's Beginnings of New England, 50-87. 

The Massaclmsett's Bay Colony's Charter, 1629 

1. Influences causing it. 

2. Important points to be searched for : 

(1) Those revealing limits of the grant. 

(2) Those showing purposes, ostensible and 

real, of king and company. 

(3) Those indicating form, functions, and 

source of authority of the government. 

(4) Those indicating the rights of the settlers. 

3. How and when the charter came to America. 

The First Great Emigration to Massachusetts, 
1629-1630 

1. Relation to preceding events. 

2. Leaders and numbers. 

3. Distribution of the settlers. 

(1) Account for their settling in towns. 



20 MASSACHUSETTS 

(2) Effects — immediate and remote. 

(3) Contrast with Southern colonies. 

Political Institutions Begin to Develop 

1. Increase in the number of freemen. 

(1) Admitted on request, October, 1630. 

(2) Significance. 

2. Suffrage conferred on church members. 

(1) An extension if compared with Enghsh 

law and with number indicated in the 
charter. 

(2) Significance of this qualification. 

3. Beginnings of representation. 

(1) Causes — particular and fundamental. 

(2) How many representatives, and by whom 

chosen ? 

4. General Court establishes Town Governments, 

1636. 

(1) Were any existing before 1636 ? 

(2) Nature and function of town meetings. 

(3) Effects — immediate and remote. 

5. Local courts provided for. 

(1) Where did the charter locate judicial func- 

tions ? 

(2) Significance. 

6. Tendency toward popular rule. 

(1) Which events above reveal this ? Prove. 

(2) Meaning of op[)Osition to the rule of the 

Assistants. 



POLICY TOWAKD ENGLISH AUTHORITY 21 

(o) Significance of establishing annual elec- 
tions. 

(4) Proposition of the Puritan Lords and the 

significance of its rejection, 1636. 

(5) Opposition to a permanent council, 1638. 

References 

Bancroft, i. 339-363 (old); i. 265-279; 283 288 (Centenary); 
i. 221-247 (last). Palfrey"s New England, i. 287-293 ; 301-315 ; 
353-355 ; 380-382 ; 434-435. Doyle's^Colonles, ii. 90 94 ; 98-110. 
Lodge, 342-347. Fisher's Colonial Era, 100-114. Frothingham's 
Rise of the Republic, 16-17 ; 19 ; 24-25 (fine print). Hildreth, 
i. 179-190. Thwaites' Colonies, 124-129. Andrews' United States 
History, 1, 39-42. Fiske's Beginning's of New England, 88-106. 



DEVELOPMENT OP POLICY TOWARD ENGLISH CON- 
TROL AND IN DOMESTIC AFFAIRS 

Nature of these Policies 

1. To be discovered in the meaning of events and 

in the tendency of ideas. 

2. Tendency in political affairs may be partly 

seen in above events. 

3. Compare and contrast with tendencies in Vir- 

ginia. 

First Contest with English Authorities, 1634-1036 

1. Nature and causes. 

2. The trial and decision. 

3. Results. 

(1) Attitude of Governor and Council. 



22 MASSACHUSETTS 

(2) Ministers' resolutions. 

(3) Military preparations. 

Roger Williams, 1635-1636 

1. His antecedents. 

2. Causes of the controversy. 

(1) Attitude of England toward the colony. 

(2) Views and conduct of Williams. 

a. State them. 
h. Was he a Puritan ? 
c. Does this age agree with Williams 
or his opponents ? 

3. Immediate results. 

4. Meaning of the controversy. 

(1) Banishment voted by a small majority. 

Significance. 

(2) What if the peoj)le had voted on the ques- 

tion ? Proofs and significance. 

(3) What does this differentation of ideas 

among Puritans prove? 

Baiiishmeiit of Mrs. Hiitcliiiisoii, 1638 

1. Political and religious causes. 

2. Number of her sympathizers and its signifi- 

cance. 

3. Did this controversy increase or decrease rclig- 

ous toleration ? 

Continuation of Immigration, 1634-1639 

1. Causes — English and American. 

2. Eff'ects on England and Massachusetts. 



INSTITUTIONAL TENDENCIES 23 

The Body of Liberties, Un 

1. Origin. 

2. Leading provisions. (Document III.) 

(1) Enumerate political doctrines. 

(2) State points pertaining to each institution. 

3. General significance. 
The New England Union, 1643 

1. Causes in England and America. 

2. Parties. Why no more ? 

3. Purpose and nature. 

4. Results. 

General Court divided into Two Houses, 1644 

1. Original germs of the two houses. 

2. Causes of the separation — particular and fun- 

damental. 

3. Results of the change. 

References 

Bancroft, i. 369-379 ; 416-422 (old). Bancroft, i. 293-300 ; 
332-335 ; 339-342 (Cent.) Bancroft i. 249-262 ; 273-293 (last). 
Palfrey i. 390-422 ; 442-443 ; ii. 22-31. Doyle's Colonies, ii. 114- 
124. Lodge's Colonies, 346-352. Fiske's Beginnings of New 
England, 106-120; 140-162; Fisher's Colonial Era, 114-125. 
Thwaite's Colonies, 129-140 ; 154-157. Frotliingham's Repub- 
lic, 39-71. Straus's Roger Williams, 33-57. Andrews, 1. 43-47. 

Educational Influences 

1. Massachusetts leaders college-bred. 

2. Before 1(342. 

3. Compulsory education. 

4. The act of 1647. 

5. Harvard College, 1636. 



24 MASSACHUSETTS 

6. Introduction of the printing press. 

7. General meaning of these influences. 

(1) Relation to religion, politics and social life. 

(2) What relation to tendencies referred to 

above ? 
Authority of tlie Long Parliameiit in Question, 1646 

1. Claim of Parliament. 

2. Attitude of the General Court. 

(1) Toward Parliament's claim. 

(2) Toward a new charter. 

3. General Courts reply to Parliament.* 

4. Attitude of Cromwell. 

The Quaker Invasion, 1656-1660 

1. Origin and leading ideas of the Quakers. 

2. Purpose and conduct in Massachusetts. 

3. Action of the authorities. 

(1) The Union. 

(2) Massachusetts. 

a. Nature. 

b. Eff'ects. 

4. Attitude of the people. (Document IV.) 

5. Causes and significance of repeal of laws 

against Quakers. 

Keferences 

Bancroft, i. 451-459 (old) ; 363-370 (Centenary); 312-316 (last) ; 
Palfrey, i. 548-549. Doyle, iii. 88-93 ; 98-111. Lodge, 354-355. 
Fislier's Colonial Era, 146-148 ; 169-170. Thwaites' Colonies, 
130, 188, 165-166. Fiske's Beginnings of New England, 179-198. 

* Bancroft i. 307-308 (last) quotes the Court's and Winslow's 
statements. The latter states the principle contended for in the 
American Revolution down to 1776. 



CONFLIOTS WITH ENGLISH AUTflOKITY 25 

The Eestoration 

1. Attitude of Massachusetts toward Cliarles II. 

2. King's orders to the General Court. 

3. Royal Commissioners, 1664. 

(1) Purpose and action. 

(2) Conduct of the people.* 
(->) Significance. 

Navigation Laws, 1660-1G73. (Document YT.) 

1. Recur to points in Virginia. 

2. Laws of 1673 — purpose, nature and effects. 

Cliarter Taken Away, 1684 

1. Causes — special and general. 

2. Attitude of the Colony f and its significance. 

Andros the Governor of New England, lG86-'89 

1. The policy of James II. 

2. Changes made by Andros and their meaning. 

3. The revolution of 1688. 

(1) Work of Andros prepares for it. 

(2) Conduct of the peo^^le and its meaning. 

Tlie New Charter, 1G92 

1. Plymouth made a part of the Bay Colony. 

2. Other changes made. 

(1) In the departments of government. 

(2) In qualifications for suffrage. 

* Remoustrance addressed to the King is in Bancroft, i, 873- 
375 (last). 

f The noble stand taken by the people is found in Bancroft, 
1. 404-406 (last). 



26 NEW ENGLAND 

The Salem Witclicraft 

References 

Frothinghain's Republic, 77-83. Bancroft, i. 307-381 ; 395- 
406 ; 584-589 ; 599-601 (last). Lod-^^e's Colonics, 389-392. 
Fisher's Colonial Era, 149-153; 157-164. TliAvaites' Colonies, 
166-169 ; 174-177. Andrews, i. 71-81. Fiske's Beginnings of 
New England, 242-278. 

Neiv England Institutional Life, 1630-1750 



The Tiew Taken 

1. Based on similarity of insititutional ideas and 

their physical enviroumeut. 

2. Do the facts point to the same or different 
• principle of development in the different 

colonies ? * 

Industrial Life and Occupations 

1. Make a list of leading occupations and com- 

pare with the South. (Document Y.) 

2. Which of these were favored by physical con- 

ditions ? 

3. Slave labor. 

(1) Did it flourish as in the South? Why? 

(2) In which section was the greater moral 

opposition ? Prove. 

* The tendency or principle of development ought to be knoAvn 
to the teacher from the beginning, but may not be discovered by 
the student till the series of events is done. 



PURITAN INSTITUTIONS 27 

4. Commerce. (Document V.) 

(1) Leading exports and imports. 

(2) Relation to occupations and growtli of 

population. 

Social New England 

1. Well defined classes. 

2. Did the contrast increase or dimini si I? Mean- 
h'^ ing. 

3. Home life and pastimes. 

4. Other social occasions. 

5. What the Puritan thouglit of anuisements. 

Cultnre Inflnences 

1. Diffusion. Compare with the South. 

2. The minister and his sermons. 

3. Schools and colleges. 

4. Papers and pamphlets. 

Religion and Morality 

1. The religious was the supreme sentiment. 

2. The church organization and its political 

meaning. 

3. The Puritan Sabbath. 

4. Church services. 

5. Intolerance and superstition. 

(1) Both characteristic of the age. 

(2) Massachusetts compared witli Rhode Is- 

land. 

(3) Both on the decline in tlie iStli century. 



28 THE ^FIDDLE COLONIES 

Political Ideas and Organization 

1. Is this the most democratic group ? Prove. 

2. Annual elections and their influence. 

3. Town meetings. 

(1) Historical origin. 

(2) Nature of tlie organization. 

(3) Functions. 

(4) Effects — immediate and remote. 

4. Judicial organizations and lawyers. 

General Conclusions from Above Study * 
Kefereiices 

See contents and index in Bancroft and Palfrey. Lodge's 
Colonies, 406-476. Thwaites' Colonies, 178-194. Fisher's Col- 
onial Era, 313-320. Andrews, i. 92-97 ; 123-135. See contents 
in Fiske's Beginnings of New England. 

The Middle Colonies 



Institutionally Bridged the Chasm between New 
England and the South. 

1. Developed little that was distinctive in institu- 

tions. 

2. Diversity of population its greatest contrast. 

(1) Make a list of the elements in the popula- 

tion. 

(2) Draw conclusions from this list. 

*It has been found helpful to compare New England and the 
South on the above points. 



VARIETY OF INSTITUTIONAL LIFE 29 

3. Variety iii institutional life and habits was a 
dominant characteristic. 

(1) Each retained some old-world customs. 

(2) In this respect the middle colonies were 

more prophetic of the populations of our 
day than the other sections. 



NEW YORK* 

Yoyages and Explorations of Hudson, 1609 

1. Purpose. 

2. Nature and results of his work. 

Early Settlements 

1. The Dutch traders, 1613 

2. The Huguenots, 1623. 

(1) Cause of their coming 

(2) Compare with Puritans. 

(3) Their relation to New Amsterdam. 

3. Fort Orange and others. 

The West India Company, 1621 

1. Nature of its Charter. 

* This manual places emphasis on institutions, and finds the 
vahie of events in their contribution to institutional life. It 
hardly seems advisable to study in detail all the events of all the 
colonies. Such an attempt would likeiy prevent that careful 
in vesl.i ignition of some representative colony so necessary to give 
some idea of life-development. 



30 NEW YORK 

2. Motives of the company. 

3. Relation to settlements already made. 

The Patrooiis and tlieir System 

1. Originated with the company. 

2. The grants of land privilege. 

3. Inducements to settlers. 

4. Immediate and remote results of the system. 

(1) To the company. 

(2) To the settlement of the colony. 

(3) To the people of the state. 

Progress of Events Under the Company 

1. Early connections with the English. 

2. Early relations with Indians. 

3. A system of government established, 1626. 

(1) Leading features. 

(2) Relation to the people and its significance. 
- 4. Rule of various governors up to Stuy vesant. 

5. Introduction of slavery. 

6. Trouble between Patroons and the company, 

1640. 

(1) Causes — particular and fundamental. 

(2) The remedy and its significance. 

7. Early struggle for political rights. 
(1) Cause. 

^ a. Nature of the governmental system. 

b. The rule of various governors. 

c. The example of the English. 



UNDER WEST INDIA COMPANY 31 

(2) Kieft's Advisory Council. 
a. Origin and functions. 

h. Significance and results. 

(3) The compromise in 1647. 

(4) Appeal to Holland, 1650. 
a. Grievances stated. 

h. Results. 

(5) The convention of deputies and Governor 

Stuyvesant, 1653. 

(6) The company supports the governor, 

8. Religious contests under Stuyvesant. 

(1) The creed of the Dutch. 

(2) Treatment of the Lutherans and Baptists. 
a. Causes and character. 

h. Attitude of the governor and comjiany. 

9. Relations with the Swedes. 

10. Relations with the English colonies hefore 
the conquest. 

(1) Plymouth, 1628 and 1633. 

(2) Dutch post on the Connecticut. 

(3) Emigrants from New England and Vir- 

ginia. 

(4) Dutch and English unite against the 

Indians. 

(5) During Stuyvesant's rule. 

Tho Conquest of New Netherlands, 1664 

1. Ciiuses and motives. 

2. Terms and circumstances of the surrender. 



32 NEW YORK 

3. Attitude of the colonists and its meaning. 

4. Immediate results. 

(1) To the Dutch. 

(2) To the English colonies. 

5. The reconquest and the restoration. 

The Duke's Laws 

1. Circumstances and causes. 

2. Nature and purpose. 

3. Effects. 

The Duke's Grant 

1. What it was. 

2. How it affected New York. 

3. Why Governor Nichols resigned. 

New York Under Andros, 1674-1683 

1. Relations with Connecticut and New Jersey. 

2. The " bolting " act and the growth of New York 

city. 

3. Religious sects and their relative importance. 

4. Effects of the Navigation Laws. 

5. Cause of recall of Andros. 

Governor Dongon 

1. Brings new political instructions. 

2. The Charter of Liberties. 

(1) Source of authority under the charter. 

(2) Leading provisions. 

(3) Compare with Massachusetts's Body of 

Liberties. 



RELIGIOUS QUESTIONS 33 

3, The trouble with James II. 

(1) Why he revoked tlie charter. 

(2) Effects on the people. 

(3) Orders to Dongou. 

Tlie Kevolution of 1G88 

1. Attitude of New York ; reasons. 

2. CompHcations with Nicholson. 

Jacob Leisler 

1. Relations to Nicholson. 

2. Relations to the militia. 

3. Attitude of the council. 

4. His work for the people. 

5. Arrest and punishment. 

6. Compare and contrast with Nathaniel Bacon. 

Governor Slougliter 

1. Instructions. 

2. Reconstruction of the government. 

(1) Religious liberty except for Catholics. 

(2) A general assembly ; its acts. 

3. Religious dispute between governor and as- 

sembly. 

4. Expulsion of Catholic priests, 1700. 

Oro\^ih of the Eiigiish Church 

1. Leading rivals. 

2. Attempts of Andros to aid it. 

3. Sloughter's instructions. 

4. Quarrel between Fletcher and the Assembly. 



34 NEW YORK 

(1) Questions in dispute. 

(2) Results to the cliurcli. 

5. Governor Cornbury's position.^ 

(1) With reference to Presbyterians. 

(2) On Enghsh acts of conformity. 

The Struggle for Popular Government 

1. Origin and progress under the Dutch. 

2. Efforts under early English governors. 

3. Effects produced by the Revolution of 1688. 

4. Struggle between governors and assemblies. 

(1) Over annual appropriations. 

(2) Raising of taxes. 

(3) Over voting salaries, 

5. Under Governor Bellomont. 

(1) His defense of Leisler and its significance. 

(2) Why he called a new assembly ; its char- 

acter. 

6. Attitude of the assembly toward Governor 

Cornbury. 

(1) On salary and extravagances. 

(2) On expenditure of appropriations. 

(3) Factions united against the governor. 

7. The Court of Chancery established. 

(1) Nature and purpose. 

(2) Opposition ; cause and effect. 

8. Liberty of the press secured, 1735. 

(1) The first newspaper in New York. 

(2) An opposition paper started. 



INSTITUTIONAL LIFE 35 

(a) Attacks on the admiuistration. 

(b) Arrest of the editor. 

(c) Why the defendant's Lawyer came from 

Pennsylvania. 
{(l) The trial and its result. 
9. Address of the assembly to Acting-Governor 
Clarke. 

(1) Absence of usual terms of flattery ; signifi- 

cance. 

(2) Pledged not to raise large sums. 

(3) Asserted they would raise an annual 

revenue. 

The Negro Plot 

1. Origin of the delusion. 

2. Punishment of the slaves. 

(1) Evidence and how obtained. 

(2) Number executed. 

(3) Compare with New England witchcraft. 

Tlie Institutioniil Life of New York 

1. Politics and religion already studied. 

2. Education. 

(1) Established under the Dutch. 

(2) Extent of the system. 

(3) Method of support. 

(4) Attitude of tlie English governors. 

(5) Compare and contrast with the schools of 

New England and the South. 



36 PENNSYLVANIA 

3. Occupations and industrial life. (Document V.) 

(1) Leading ones and favoring physical con- 

ditions. 

(2) Domestic manufactures. 

(3) Foreign commerce. 

(a) AVitli what countries. 
{!)) Articles of exchange, 
(r) Relation to navigation laws. (Document^'I.) 

Social Life, 1700-1750 

1. The basis of social distinctions in New York. 

2. Compare and contrast English and Dutch set- 

tlers. 
,3. The degree of social separation. 

(1) Compare and contrast with New England 
and the South. 

4. Pastimes of the various classes. 

References 

Bancroft, i. 475-527 (last edition). Fisher's Colonial Era, 
177-173 ; 241-254. Lodge's English Colonies in America, 285- 
340. Thwaites' The Colonies, 186-207. Hendrick's Brief His- 
tory of the Empire State, 10-83. 



PENNSYLVANIA 
The Grant to William Peiin, 1681 

1. Penn's interest in New Jerse}^ Quakers, and its 

results. 

2. Relations between the Penns and the Stuarts 

3. Efforts to obtain a grant. 



FOUyjilXa THK (COLONY 37 

4 Limits. 

5. Leading points in the charter. 

(1) Position and power of the governor. 

(2) Law-making body and its relations to the 

governor. 

(3) Law-making in its relation to the crown. 
4) Taxation. 

a. By local anthorities. 

b. By English authority. 
(5) Religious toleration. 

Peiiii's Letter 

1. Preceded by a royal 2)roclamation. 

2. Addressed to people of the province. 

3. Its political and religious sentiments. 

Penii's Constitution, 1682 

1. Drawn in England. 

2. His idea of political freedom. 

3. Relation between proprietor and governor. 

4. Relation of the people to the council and 

assembly. 

Large Eniigrjition 

1. From England. 

2. From the continent. 

3. Account for it. 

The Assembly at Cliester, 1682 

1. Immediate cause and })urpose. 

2. Work of the meeting. 



38 PENNSYLVANIA 

(1) Relation to the preceding documents. 

(2) Position of the people of Delaware. 

(3) Provisions relating to 

a. Governor, council and assembly. 
h. Religious freedom and Sabbath observ- 
ance. 

c. Capital crimes ; compare with England 

and other colonies. 

d. Jury trial ; relation to Indians. 

e. Peacemakers. 

./ Offences against morality. 
g. Inheritance ; compare with other col- 
onies. 
li. Treatment of prisoners. 
Peiiii's Opposition to Monopolies 

1. Refuses to grant a monopoly of Indian trade 

betw^een the Delaware and the Susquehanna. 

2. Himself refuses an offer of revenue from ex- 

ports on tobacco. 
Treatment of the Indians 

1. Penn's letter to them before coming over. 

2. Recognition of Indians in making laws. 

3. The great treaty. 

(1) Cause and nature. 

(2) Effects. 

4. Compare and contrast with other colonies. 
Gfrowth and Yariety of Population, 1685 

1. Total population ; account for it. 



AGITATIONS FOR POPULAR RULE 39 

2. Variety. 

(1) English, Scotch, and Irish. 

(2) Germans, Swedes, and Finns. 

(3) Cause and effects. 

3. Founding and growth of Philadelphia. 

First Disturbance in the Colony 

1. Departure of Penn for England. 

2. Causes of the trouhle. 

3. Nature and meaning of the disturbance. 

4. Immediate and remote consequences. 

Separation of Pennsylvania and Delaware 

1. Causes and leaders. 

2. Results. 

The Govern nient Taken from Penn 

1. The seism among the Quakers. 

2. Imprisonment of Keith. 

(1) His offense. 

(2) Led to charge of persecution. 

3. Fletcher made governor, 1693. 

(1) Appointed by the king ; significance. 

(3) Delaware and Pennsylvania united. 

Fletcher and the Assembly 

1. Differences. 

(1) Assembly asserted old laws to be in force. 

(2) The governor asserts the royal prerogative. 

(3) Assembly refuse to ra-enact its laws. 

Reasons. 



40 PENNSYLVANIA 

(4) Assembly's mauifesto calling for redress 
before voting sup2)lies. 
2. Effects. 

Restoration of Penii's Authority, 1694 

1. Difficulties in tlie way and how overcome. 

2. Changes in the government made by the 

people. 

(1) The assembly. 

a. Sit on its own adjournment. 

b. Originate bills. 

c. Annually elected. 

(2) Biennial council. 

3. Return of Penn. 

Last Acts of Penn in the Colony, 1699-1701 

1. New treaty with Indians. 

2. Efforts against slave trade. 

3. New constitutions. 

(1) For Pennsylvania. 

(2) For Philadelphia. 

4. Returns to England to save tlie j^roviiice. 

Tlie Struggle between tlie People and the Proprie- 
tary, 1700-1750 

1. Generally between the assembly and the gov- 

ernors. 

2. Questions in dispute under Evans, 1703-1709. 

(1) Reunion with Delaware. 

(2) Whether the governor could j^i'orogue the 

assembly. 



INSTITUTIONAL LIFE 41 

(3) Support of the war by the Quakers. 

(4) The estabHshmcut of a judiciary. 

(5) Eight of impeachment by the assembly. 

(6) Eemoustrauce to Penu. 

3. Quarrel renewed under Governor Gookin. 

(1) Gookin's instructions. 

(2) Assembly arrests Logan. 

(3) His appeal to Penn. 

(4) Penn's reproof and threat. 
a. Nature and purpose. 

h. Kesult and its reason. 

4. How Keith managed the assembly, 1718-1726. 

(1) Motives and policy. 

(2) Eesults and significance. 
6. Quakers and war, 1739-1746. 

(1) Attitude of the Quakers toward Spanish 

war. 

(2) Means of forcing the governors to yield. 

(3) Eising opposition led by Franklin. 

a. Shown in King George's war. 

b. Also in French and Indian war. 

c. Eesults. 

Institutional Life in Pennsylvania 

1. Politics and government. 

(1) Nature seen in preceeding events. 

(2) Tendency was democratic. 

(3) Judiciary and its organizi^tion. 

2. Eeligion and the church. 



42 PENNSYLVANIA 

(1) Religious freedom. 

(2) The various sects and their influence. 

3. Education and schools. 

(1) Ignorance and superstition compared with 

other colonies. 

(2) Philadelphia's early schools. 

a. First school, 1683. 

b. First public school, 1689. 

c. Franklin's University, 1749. 

(3) Newspapers, literature, and science. 

4. Society and the home. 

(1) Social classes; compared with other «:«.J 

onies. 

(2) Food and dress. 

(3) Houses and their furnishings. 

(4) Social gatherings and pastimes. 

5. Industrial life and occupations. (Document V.) 

References 

Bancroft, i. 453-573 (last edition) ; ii. 24-31. Lofli^e's Englisli 
Colonies in America, 311-272, Tliwaites' Colonies, 235-220 
Fisher's Colonial Era, 199-206 ; 260-371. 



The Genesis op Common Ideas and Sentiments, 
1760-1789 



Tlip Beginnings of Cooperation 



INTERCOLONIAL WARS* AND CO-OPERATION, 
1689-1760 

Kiug Williaiirs War, 1689-1697 

1. Causes— immediate and remote. 

2. Leading events — civil and military. 

3. Effects. 

(1) Military knowledge gained by Americans. 

(2) Growth of cooperation. 

a. Events contributing to it. 
h. As affected by the treaty. 
Queen Anne's War, 1702-1713 

1. Causes — European and American. 

2. Leading events — civil and military. 

3. Effects. 

(1) Military experience. 

(2) Sentiment of cooperation. 

(3) Was the peace English or American made ? 

* Military events, as such, illustrate the art of war. They 
have historical significance only when their influence upon insti- 
tutional growth is traced. 

(43) 



44 GENESIS OF COiMMON IDEAS 

King George's War, 1744-1748 

1. Causes — ^jDarticular and general. 

(1) AVhich are American and which English ? 

(2) Which are common to preceding wars ? 

2. Leading campaigns. 

3. Results to America. 

French and Indian War, 1755-1768 

1. Causes — immediate and remote. 

(1) Are they mostly American or English ? 

(2) Significance. 

2. Leading events — civil and military. 

3. Effects. 

(1) Particular. 

a. Make a list of those found in all the 
preceding wars. 

h. Number, character, and meaning of co- 
operative events. 

c. Compare the wars as to military experi- 

ence. 

d. Financial and industrial on both x\.mer- 

ica and England. 

(2) General. 

a. On political destiny of America. 

h. Religious and social ideas of America. 

Keferences 

Bancroft, ii. 2 (last edition), see contents. Frothingliam's Rise 
of the Republic, 84-H; 131-157. Andrews' History of the 
United States, i. 136-160. 



CONFLICTING INTERESTS 45 

BEGINNINGS OF ALIENATION AND UNION, 1700-1700 

These Processes were Gradual and Siiiiiiltaneoiis. 

1. England convinced the colonies that her in- 

terests and theirs were not identical. 

2. Parallel with the growth of tliis conviction 

arose the consciousness of common interests 
among the colonies. 

Causes of the Above Moveuients 

1. Growing divergence between American and 

English ideas. 

(1) Favored by geographical conditions. Prove. 

(2) Increased by social condition of the settlers. 

(3) Stimulated by study and self-reliant char- 

acter developed in America. Show. 

(4) Aided by the greater political experience of 

all classes in America. Explain, 

2. The attack on the American Charters. 

(1) Some changed before 1700. 

(2) New attacks on other colonies, 

3. Quarrels with colonial governors. 

(1) Causes. 

a. Salaries. Why? 

b. Powers. Why? 

(2) Examples of the contest. 

(3) Attitude of England toward these conflicts 

and its effect. 

4. Industrial and commercial restrictions. 
(1) Causes. 



46 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

a. Fuudamental-England's colonial theory. 
h. Particular. — Demands of English trade. 

(2) Leading restrictions on. (Document VL) 
a. Wool and woolen goods, 1699. 

h. Hat trade and apprentices, 1719. 

c. Pine tree reservation. 

d. East India trade, 1721. 

e. Sugar Act, 1733. 

/. Iron and steel mills, 1750. 

(3) Effects on 

a. Relations between colonies and Eng- 
land. 
h. Relations between the colonies. 
c. Smuggling. 

References 

See contents and index to Lodge's, Thwaites' and Doyle's 
Colonies, and also to Fisher's Colonial Era, Bancroft's, Hildretli's 
and Andrews' histories. 



Union Against England 



THE STRUGGLE FOR THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN, 

1760-1776 

Leading Points in the Policy of George III. 

1. Changes in colonial boundary lines. 

2. Remodeling the charters. 

3. Introduction of aristocracy. 

4. Standing army. 



EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 47 

5. Execution of navigatiou act. 

6. Purpose of this policy. 

Navigation Act ; Writs of Assistance, 17G1 

1. C'auses. 

(1) Heavy debt. 

(2) Smuggling trade. 

2. Nature and purpose. 

3. Opposition in America ; reasons. 

4. Speech of James Otis ; its principle. (Docu- 

ment VII.) 

5. Effects on America. 

References 

John Adams' Works, i. 57-60. Bancroft, iv. 414-418 (old ed.) ; 
ii. 273-277 (Century ed.) ; ii. 546-548 (last ed. .) Fiske's American 
Revolution, i. 12-13. Frothingham, 162, 168. Hart's Forma- 
tion of the Union, 43-48. Hildreth, ii. 498-500 (rev. ed.). IIos- 
mer's Samuel Adams, 40-45. Lecky's England in the 18th Cen- 
tury, iii. 328-330. Morse's John Adams, 24-25. Nilcs' Register, 
xiv. 137-140. Scott's Development of Constitutional Liberty, 
237-246. Wells' Samuel Adams, i. 43-44. 

Changes in tlie Navigation Act, 17(>3 

1. Causes, immediate and remote. 

2. Nature of act. 

(1) Smuggling j^unished hy confiscation. 

(2) Navy used. 

(3) Naval, executive and j udicial officers shared 

in spoils. 

3. Effects. 

(1) On America. 



48 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

a. Merchants memorialize assemblies, hold 
correspondence, and appeal to Eng- 
land. 

h. Trade injured. 

c. Common feeling against England and 
sympathy among American colonists, 
(2) On England. 

Stamp Act 

1. New method of taxation. Reasons. 

2. Purpose of England. 

(1) Immediate. 

(2) Indirect. 

3. Effects on America. 

(1) Town meetings, mobs, and resignation of 

stamp officials. 

(2) Organizations. 

a. Sons and Daughters of Liberty. 
h. ^Merchant organizations. : 

a. Non-importation Society. 

h. Non-exj^ortation Society. 
c. Consumers' organization : Non-consump- 
tion Society. 

(3) Meeting and work of colonial assemblies. 
a. Massachusetts. 

h. Virginia. (Document YIII.) 

c. New York. 

d. Others. 



KIGHTS OF ENGJJSIIMEN 49 

References 

Atlantic ]\[outhly, March 1888. Johu Adams' Works, i. 70-80. 
Auuual Register (British), 1765, 18-21 ; 49-56. Bancroft, v. 
91-92, 192-217, 269-280, 808-381 (old ed.) ; iii. 397-400, 417-436, 
466-471, 491-506 (Centenary ed.) ; iii. 34-85, 60-62, 107-121, 1 SI- 
MS (last ed.). Fiske's American Revolution, i. 14-18, 20-21. 
Frothingham, 161-184. Hart's Formation of the Union, 48. 
Ilosmer's Samuel Adams, 46-54. Lossing-'s Field Book, ii. 671- 
074 (copy of Stamp Act) ; i. 460-464. Morse's John Adams, 26-32, 
Farton's Franklin, i. 459-463. Tyler's Patrick Henry, 57-79. 
Wells' Samuel Adams, i. 46-64. Wirt's Patrick Henry, 74-76 
(Alta ed.). 

Stamp Act Congress, 1765 

1. Origin. 

(1) Prove it an outgrowth of preceding con- 

ditions. 

(2) Whence its authority ? 

2. Purpose, immediate and remote. 

3. Work. 

(1) Read the documents issued. (Document 

IX.) 

(2) Enumerate the rights chiimed. 

(3) On what ground did the colonists base 

their chiim ? 

4. Etfects of the congress. 

(1) Gave constitutional basis to opposition. 

(2) Unified sentiment and effort in America. 

Repeal of the Act, 1/(>G 

1. Oauses. 

(1) Influences in America. 

(2) English influences. (Document X.) 



50 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

References 

Andrews' History of the United States, 1. 161-167. Atlantic 
Monthly, March, 1888. Annual Kegister (British), 1765, 18-21, 31- 
56. Bancroft, v. 91-92, 192-217, 333-336, 342-346, 363-372, 428- 
433 (old ed.) ; iii. 397-400, 417-436, 508-515, 519-524, 526-531, 570- 
573 (Centenary ed.) ; iii. 34-35, 60-62, 107-121, 149-214 (last ed.). 
Fiske's American Revolution, i. 14-18, 20-28. Frothingham, 
161-200. Hosmer's Samuel Adams, 46-54, 78-89. Kiles' Regis- 
ter, 1. 12-14 ; ii. 337-355. Hart's Formation of the Union, 50-53. 
Hildreth, ii. 529-531. Tyler's Patrick Henry, 57-79. Parton's 
Franklin, i. 469-477, 478-482. Wells' Samuel Adams, i. 46-64, 
106-109. 

2. Effects. 

(1) Demoustrations of joy in England and 

America. 

(2) Declaratory resolves to save the principle 

in the new policy. 

America's Gain 

1. Value of union learned. 

2. Moral sentiment aroused for standing by 

America against England. Significance. 

3. American industry stimulated. How? 

Tea Tax and other Measures, 1768 

1. Tax on tea, paper, paints and glass. 

2. Board of revenue commissioners. 

3. Writs of assistance legalized. 

4. Purpose of these measures. 
Eif'eets on America 

1. Agitation and miion. 



EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 51 

(1) Sons of Liberty and Non-imi3ortation Socie- 

ties again 

(2) Industrial. 

2. Massachusetts Circular Letter. (Document XL) 

(1) Nature and purpose. 

(2) Effect on England ; king commands : 

a. Massachusetts to rescind letter. 

b. Other assemblies to treat letter with 

contempt. 

(3) America refuses obedience. 

a. Massachusetts assembly votes not to re- 
scind, 92 to 17. 

/;. Other assemblies vote to sustain ^lass- 
achusetts. 

c. Popular enthusiasm supports assemblies. 

Noiviniportatioii Forces Clianges. 

1. First tea trick, 1770. 

(1) Nature, aim and effects. 

(2) Committees of correspondence formally 

organized, 1773.* 

2. Tea trick number two, 1773. 

(1) Nature and causes. 

(2) Effects on America. 

Boston Tea Party and Panl Revere's First Kide 
1. Boston committee of correspondence ; and how 
it organized opposition. 

* Yury important. Work out oroauization aud operations. 



52 GENESIS OE CM)M^rON IDEAS 

2. The party. Dec. IG, 1773. (Document XII.) 

(1) Its invitations, 

(2) Work. 

(3) Paul Revere carries its compliments to 

New York and Philadelphia. 

(4) Significance of this event. 

Kefereiices 

Andrews' History of the United States i. 1G7-170. Annual 
Register, 1768, 235-237 ; 1774, 58-67. Atlantic Monthly, April, 
1888. Bancroft, vi. 100-107, 112-126, 143-147, 465-489 (old ed.) ; 
iv. 59-62, 69-74, 83-89, 271-281 (centenary ed.) ; iii. 251-252, 279- 
293 ; 443-458 (last ed.). Fiske's American Revolution, i. 28-84, 
84-93. Frothingham, 208-230, 296-303, 303-311. Hildreth, iii. 
24-32. Hosmer's Samuel Adams, 98-110, 153-159, 243-256. 
Lecky's England, iii. 380-406. Lossiug's Field Book, i. 477-479, 
481-488, 496-499. Wells' Samuel Adams, i. 142-144, 148-152 ; ii. 
110-127. 

England Strikes Back * 

1. Boston Port Bill. 

(1) Cause and nature. 

(2) Effects, immediate and remote. 

2. Other measures. 

3. How the country stood by Boston. (Docu- 

ment XIII.) 
First Continental Congress, 1774 

1. Causes — particular and fundamental. 

2. ]\Iake a list of its leading members. 

"^American Arcliives, ser. 4, i. 397-398 (address and covenant 
sent by the Boston committee to each town in the colony.) 

Annual Register, 1774, 68-78, 233-236 (abstract of the bill ; 
239-240 (abstract of the Quebec bill) ; 1775, 2-22 (effects of these 
measures). 



RIGHTS OF KNCJLISHMEN 63 

Work of the Congress 

1. Purpose. 

(1 Cement union. 

(2) Redress of grievances. 

2. ]\Ieans to tliese ends. 

(1) Secret sessions. 

(2) Communication with Boston. (Documents 

XVI and XVII.) 

(3) Declaration of rights. Addresses to the 

king, people of England, j^eople of Can- 
ada, and people of the colonies. (Docu- 
ments XIV and XV.) 

(4) The association. 

(5) Show how each was a means. 
Effects oil America 

1. Sentiment of union strengtliened. 

(1) Constitutional hasis more apparent. 

(2) Greater sympathy and more contributions 

fi)r Boston. 

2. Every colony voted to or did sustain its recom- 

mendations. . 
3. Militia organized and munitions of war col- 
lected. (Document XVIII.) 
Effects oil England (Document XIX.) 
1. The King orders : 

(1) Governors to prevent appointment of dele- 

gates to next congress. 

(2) Governor Gage to enforce changes in Mass- 

achusetts charter. 



54 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

2. On pai'liainciit. 

(1) INIajority vote thanks to king for his meas- 

ures. 

(2) Friends of America oppose it. 

(3) Lord Chatham, Jan., 1774, moves for con- 

cihation. 

(4) Burke's motion and speech, March, 1775. 

(5) Petitions of lousiness men to parhament. 

Kefereiices 

Gentlemen's Magazine, 1774, 20-23, 25-27, 367-369, 570-571 ; 
1775, 197-198, 199-200, 317-318, 360. Parliamentary History, 
xviii. 168-171, 179-181, 184-185. Parliamentary Register, i. 104- 
106, 116-117. John Adams' Works, i. 149-165. Annual Regis- 
ter, 1775, 23-36; 1774, 203-214, 218-224. Baneroft, vii. 126-135, 
138-152 (old ed ) ; iv. 353-361, 392-398, 401-411 (centenary) ; iv. 
61-77 (last ed.). Curtis' Constitutional History, i. 6-17. Fiske's 
American Revolntion, i. 100-111. Frotliingliam, 358-381. Hil- 
dretli, iii. 42-46. Hart, 59-68. Hosmei'is Samuel Adams, 313- 
321. Journals of Congress, i. 19-23, 26-31, 46-49. Lecky's Eng- 
land, iii. 443-450. Morse's John Adams, 63-82. Tyler's Patrick 
Henry, 92-112. AV ells' Samuel Adams, iii. 174-178, 218-248. 

Lexington and Concord 

1. Causes. 

(1) Enumerate fundamental ones. 

(2) List of the events operating as particular 

causes. 

2. Alarming the country and arousing the Minute 

Men. 

3. The fight itself.* 



* Every student ought to reatl Bancroft's story of Lexington 
and Concord. 



RIGHTS OF MAN 55 

(1) Some characteristics. 

(2) Historical significance. 

a. Why did the Americans rejoice over the 

defeat of the British ? 

b. How many companies of Minute Men in 

the contest and what is its meaning ? * 

c. Meaning of size of army around Boston. 

d. What was the effect of this conflict on 

the Americans' desire for their rights 
as Englishmen? 

e. Effect on England. 

Transition from Rights of Englishmen to Rights 
of Men 

1. Leading events marking the beginning of the 

end of the first part of the revolution. 

(1) Lexington and Concord. 

(2) Bunker Hill and siege of Boston. 

(3) Ticonderoga. 

(4) King's proclamation. 

(5) Congress of 1775. 

2. Union for rights of Englishmen a failure. 

3. Union for rights of man now begins. 



STRUGGLE FOR THE RIGHTS OF MAN 

Origin and Orowth of Independjence 

1. In the spirit of American institutions. 

2. From New England union (1643) Americans 

accused of aiming at independence. 
*See Bancroft. 



56 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

3. Americans deny the charge. 

4. Attitude toward independence while struggling 

for rights of Englishmen. (Document XVII.) 

5. New England thought to be ready for it in 

1774.* 

6. Attitude of middle colonies, 1775. 

7. The king promotes independence. 

(1) Refused to hear petition of congress of 1775. 

(2) Proclaimed colonists rebels. 

(3) Hired mercenary troops. 

8. ^lovement begins in earnest. 

(1) Common sense, January, 177G. (Docu- 

ment XX.) 

(2) Action of colonial legislatures. 

a. Xorth Carolina instructs for independ- 

ence, April, 1776. 

b. South Carolina makes a new^ govern- 

ment. Significance. 

c. Rhode Island disclaims allegiance, 

May 4. 

d. Virginia's convention instructs dele- 

gates for independence and votes a 
declaration of rights of man. May 15. 

(3) Action of congress. 

a. Ricliard Henry Lee moves for inde- 
pendence, in June. 
/;. A'ote j)Ostponed. Reasons. 



* Sec jMorsc's John Adams, 53-69. 



RIGHTS OF MAN 57 

e. First vote, how secured ? 
d. Jefferson the author and John Adams 
the defender of the declaration. 
9. PoHtical doctrines of the declaration.* (Docu- 
ment XXI.) 

(1) Sets forth rights of men, 

(2) Relations with England and incidentally 

relations between the states. 

References 

Andrews, i. 171-180. Annual Register, 1775, 120-125. Ban- 
croft, vii. 148-150, 182-185, 228-232. 271-277 (old ed.) ; v. 257- 
262 (Centennary ed.) Frotliingliam, 153-157, 174-175, 198-200, 
244-248, 290-293, 400-402. Gentleman's Magazine, 1775, 195-201. 
Hart's Formation of the Union, 70-80. Hildreth, iii. 50-56, 65- 
67 (revised ed.). Lossing's Field Book, ii. 67-70. Morse's John 
Adams, 53-77. Roosevelt's Gouverneur Morris, 28-52. Scott's 
Constitutional Liberty, 290-297. Stevens's Sources of the Con- 
stitution of the United States, 25-39. 

Leading Military Events 

1. First year of war (April, 1775, to April, 1776), 

mainly a series of victories for Americans. 

2. Disaster on Long Island and retreat up the 

Hudson and across the Jerseys, Aug. to 
Dec, 1776. 

3. Great victories at Trenton and Princeton, de- 

feat at Brandywine and loss of Philadelphia, 
Christmas, 1776, to Sept., 1777. 

4. Burgoyne's invasion and surrender. 

* The doctrinal portion of the declaration should be analyzed 
and its principles stated. 



58 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

5. War in the South. 

(1) Its partisan character. 

(2) Its great events : Camden, King's ^loun- 

tain, Cowpen's and Greene's campaign. 

6. Event's which made the Mississippi our west- 

ern boundary-hne. 

7. Yorktown and treaty of peace. 

References : for battles 

Andrews, i, 181-222. Bancroft Carrington's Battles of the 
Bevolution, Fiske's American Eevolution i. and ii. Hildreth. 
Lecky's England. Lodge's Washington. Lossing's Fiekl Book, 
Marshall's Washington. Parton's Franklin. Roosevelt's Win- 
ning the West. 

For Treaty 

Annual Register, 1783, 339-42. Bancroft vi. 183-192 (Centen- 
ary ed.). Burnet's Northwest Territory, 75-82. Dunn's Indi- 
ana, 131-151. Fiske's Critical Period of American History, 17-36. 
Hart's Formation of the Union, 95-98. Hildreth, iii. 411-420. 
Hinsdale's Old Northwest, 153-160. Journals of Congress, iv. 
323-325. Lecky's England, iv. 271-84. Marshall's Washington, 
ii. 39-40. IMorse's John Adams, 198-240. 

Results of the Revolution 

1. Pohtical and governmental. 

2. Rehgious and moral. 

3. Industrial and financial. 

4. Social. 

Groiuth toivard a Permanent Basis of Union 



STATE SOVEREIGNTY AS THE BASIS OF UNION 

Origin ol* State Sovereignty 

1. The colonial situation favored it. Prove. 



STATE SOVEREIGNTY 59 

2. Necessity, iu the revolution, for a principle of 
union. 

(1) Appears in early meetings of the Conti- 
nental Congress. 

(2) In discussions over internal questions. 

(3) Recognized in Franklin's plan of a confed- 

eration. 

Origin of the Confederation 

1. Kelation to the war of the revolution. 

2. Relation to the Declaration of Independence. 

3. Struggle over the articles in congress, 1776- 

1777. 

(1) Questions at stake. 

(2) Changes made in the first draft and their 

significance. 

(3) Method of adoption and its meaning. 

(4) Delay in adoption ; causes. 

Nature of the Confederation as Revealed in the 
Articles 

1. Nature and significance of the second article. 

2. From a study of the remaining articles, what 

conclusion may be reached ? 

(1) As to the general nature of the confeder- 

ation. 

(2) As to the relative amouiit of power of the 

states and the congress over foreign ques- 
tions. 



60 GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

(3) As to their relative amount of power over 
internal or domestic questions. Cite 
proof of each. 
3. Proof that this distribution of power harmon- 
izes Avith the causes and circumstances that 
produced the confederation. 

Defects of the Articles 

1. A list of the defects. 

2. The fundamental defect discovered and its 

origin explained. 

3. Could this defect have been avoided by the 

makers of this instrument ? Eeason for the 
answer. 

Events bearing* on the Decline of the Confederation 

1. Discontent in army at close of the war. 

2. Condition of congress. 

3. Industrial situation. 

4. America's reputation abroad. *" ' 

5. Shay's rebellion. 

References 

Andrews' History of the United States, 233-239. Bancroft's 
History of the United States, v. 10-15, 199-208, 283-284 ; vi. 59- 
86, 136-153, 167-176 (new ed.); ix. 436-451 (old ed.); v. 345-353 
(Centenary). History of the Constitution, 45-53, 59-77, 137-140, 
147-153, 167-176. Cyclopedia of Political Science, i. 574-577. 
Curtis, Constitutional History, i. 104-114, 127-134, 186-195, 208- 
230, 235-326. Dawson's Federalist, 90-100. Elliott's Debates, i. 
67-78; V. 110-113. Fiske's Critical Period, 105-113, 142-151, 167^ 
178, 179-186, 208-213 ; Failure of American Credit after the Revo- 
lutionary War {see Atlan. 58 : 77-88) ; the Paper Money Craze of 



GERMS OP NATIONALITY 61 

1786 and Shay's Rebellion (see Allan. 58 : 376-385) ; Weakness of 
the United States Go^'ernnlent Under the Articles of Confedera- 
tion (see Atlan, 57 : 577-589). Gay's, Madison, 76-87. Hart's For- 
mation of the Union, 103-117. Hildreth's History of the United 
States, iii. 395-400, 421-422, 430-437, 450-454. Von Hoist's Con- 
stitutional History, i. 19-30, 39 46. Hosmer's Samuel Adams, 
465-465. Jefferson's Writing's, i. 26-36, 78-79, 406-407, 413-414, 
389 392,518; ii. 105-106. Lossing's Field Book, i. 672-676. Shay's 
Rebellion (see Harper, 656-662). McMaster's History of the United 
States, i. 130-138, 177-185, 223-226, 255-259,300-330. Marshall's 
Washington, ii. 9-37, 41-56, 94-97. Pitkin's History of the United 
States, ii, 154-178. Rives' Madison, i. 253-266, 382-408, 547- 
548 ; ii. 47-51 (notes), 164-180. Schouler's History of the United 
States, i. 14-17. Story's Commentaries on the Constitution, 1. 
157-162, 168-172. Edward Stanwood's A Glimpse at 1786 (see 
Atlan. 57, 777-788). Wells' Samuel Adams, 211, 222-243. 
Walker's Making of the Nation, 1-20. Western Annals, 
280-283. 



GROAVTHOF NATIONAL SOVEREIGNTY AS THE BASIS 
OP UNION 

This Form of Uuioii is the Second Phase of Domes- 
tic XJiiioii. 

1. Germs of nationality parallel in time with 

state sovereignty. 

2. Many events nnder the confederation have a 

double content, pointing back to state sover- 
eignty and forward to nationality.* 
Expressions of National Sentiment 

^*In interpreting the events nnder the confederation the student 
gets the whole content or meaning only when he views events in 
the lii-ht of both their causes and effects. 



62 Genesis of common ideas 

1. C'hristo^^her Gadsden in the Stamp Act Con- 

gress. 

2. Patrick Henry in congress of 1774. 

3. Tom Paine in ''Common Sense", Jan., 1776. 

4. Edward Rutledge, tired of the debates over the 

confederation, wrote that he was ready to 
" propose ... a special congress . . . 
of new members " for the purpose of making 
a new government. 

New York and New Eiiglaiicl Move. 

1. Representatives of New England in convention 

at Boston, 1780. 

2. Convention at Hartford, Nov., 1780. 

(1) New England and New York represented. 

(2) Urged congress to act. 

(3) Sent a circular letter to all the states on 

the defects of the confederation. 

(4) Proceedings sent to other states, to Wash- 

ington and congress. 

Early Work of Hamilton 

1. Elaborated for Robert Morris the plan of a 

national bank, 1780. 

2. Great letter to Duane, 1780. (Document XXII.) 

3. In April, 1781, he sent to Morris the charter 

and plan for a national bank to be incor})or- 
ated by congress. 

4. Published the Continentalist, 1781-1782. 



WASHIXCJTOX WANTS A NATION 63 

Wasliiiigtoirs Early Efforts to promote a Strong 
Ooverimieut 

1. As commander-in-chief he soon felt the need 

of a more centrahzed government. 

2. Many recommendations to the continental con- 

gress pointed toward it. 

3. In private letters to members he urged the 

exercise of more power by congress. 

4. Similar views set forth in correspondence with 

governors and influential men in the states. 
6. The Newburgh address and how it was met. 
6. Circular letter to the governors, June, 1783. 

(1) Leading points. 

(2) Effects on the country. 

Cessions and Govern ni en t of Western Territory, 
1781-1787 

1. Cessions and their significance. 

2. Origin, nature and purpose of Ordinance of 

1787. 

The Interests of Coniniei-ce Point tlie Way to a 
more Perfect Union. 

1. England's injury to our commerce ; causes and 

effects. 

2. Wasliiiigton, Jefferson and Madison interested 

in dcA^eloping intercourse with the West. 

3. Recommended cooperation with Maryland. 



64 GENESIS OP COMMON IDEAS 

Virginia and Maryland Act. 

1. Meeting at Alexandria and Mount Vernon. 

(1) Commissioners meet March, 1785. 

(2) Jurisdiction of Potomac and Chesapeake 

settled. 

(3) Common commercial regulations for all 

discussed. Significance. 

2. Maryland legislature adopts report and sug- 

gests that Delaware and Pennsylvania join 
them in a set of trade regulations. 

3. Virginia calls a great trade convention. 

Annapolis Convention, 1786 

1. Delegates from five states. 

2. Leading men. 

3. Why another convention was called. 

4. Hamilton's report amended, adopted and sent 

to congress and the states re23resented. 

5. How the report was received. 

(1) By the state legislatures. 

(2) By congress. 

References 

Andrews' History of the United States, i. 230-234. Bancroft's 
History of the United States, vi. 182-185, 195-197 (new ed.) ; 
History of the Constitution, 195-203 Curtis's Constitutional 
History, 1. 186-195. Eliot's Debates, v. 96-97. Fiske's Critical 
Pei-iod, 211-218. Gay's Madison, 47-63. Hart's Fonnation of 
the Union, 118-119. McMaster's Histor}^ of the United States, 1. 
277-279, 389-390. Madison's Papers, ii. 694-707. IMarshall's 
Washington, ii. 105-109. North American Review, liii : 320 ; 
122 : 29. Rives' Madison, i. 548-552 ; ii. 57-59, 97-102, 126-130, 
132-137. Story's Commentaries on the Constitution, i. 188-190. 



THE CONSTITUTIONAL COXVI^^NTION 65 

The Constitutioiiiil Convention, 1787 

1. How it was called. 

(1) Resolutions of states. 

(2) Why congress and certain states came to 

support the call. 

2. Delegates. 

(1) How appointed and their instructions. 

(2) List of the leading ones and their fitness. 

3. The Virginia plan of a constitution. (Docu- 

ment XXIII.) 

(1) Origin. 

(2) Leading ideas and fundamental principle. 

(3) Lack of harmony between this plan and 

instruction to delegates. Significance. 

4. The New Jersey plan. (Document XXIV.) 

(1) Its origin. 

(2) Leading ideas and dominant principle. 

(3) Contrast witli Virginia plan. 

5. Hamilton's plan. (Document XXV.) 

(1) Origin and nature. 

(2) Purpose of its author. 

6. Discussions over these plans.* 

(1) The parties developed and their basis. 

(2) Tlie danger and significance of their con- 

tests. 

7. The Connecticut Compromise. (Doc. XXVI.) 

*The tcaelier in directing the study of these de})ates must be 
guided by the maturity of the class and the general purpose of 
the course. 



QQ GENESIS OF COMMON IDEAS 

(1) Origin, nature, and meaning. 

(2) Effects on the small states. 

8. The contest over slavery. 

(1) Representation and direct taxation. 

a. Origin and clause. 

b. The compromise and significance. 

(2) The African slave trade. 

(3) The fugitive slave clause. 

9. Creation of the executive. (Document XXVII.) 

(1) Plans proposed. 

(2) Methods of election and tenure of office. 

(3) Relation to other departments. 

10. The national Judiciary. 

(1) Plans and methods. 

(2) Relation to other departments.* 

11. Final work of the convention. (Document 

XXVIII.) 

References 
Andrews' History of the United States, i. 234-239. Bancroft's 
History of the United States, vi. 198-367 (new ed.) ; History of 
the Constitution, 207-269, 326-374. Curtis's Constitutional His- 
tory, i. 256-348, 368-421, 563-640. Fiske's Critical Period, 220- 
268, 277-305 ; The Federal Convention (see Atlan. lix : 225-240). 
Gay's Madison, 88-97, 98-114. Greeley's American Conflict, 43- 
49. Hart's Formation of the Union, 121-128. Hamilton's Works, 
ii. 395-409. Hildreth's History of the United States, i. 482-503. 
Lodge's Hamilton, 60-65 ; Washington, 27-38, 438-470. McMas- 
ter's History of the United States, i. 438-451. Madison's Papers, 

* After reading the debates andstudying the relations between 
departments, the principles, controlling the convention in distri- 
buting functions and in creating departments ought to be stated. 



PEOPLE VOTE FOR STABLE GOVERNMENT 67 

ii. 728-746. Marshall's Washin-rton, ii. 110-125. Parton's Frank - 
lin, ii. 564-584. Pitkin's History of the United States, ii. 224-264. 
Rives' Madison, ii. 272-329, 843-353, 359-509. Roosevelt's Goiiv- 
erncur Morris, 129-168. Stevens' Sources of the Constitution, 
41-58. Schouler's History of the United States, i. 36-47. Wil- 
son's Rise of the Slave Power in America, i. 40-56. Walker's 
Making of the nation, 21-50. 

Riitificjition of the Constitution * 

1. Method and its significance. 

2. Public sentiment as seen in 

(1) Wild rumors among the people. 

(2) Action of congress. 

(3) Attitude of Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, 

Richard Henry Lee, George C'linton, 
and Luther Martin. 

(4) Merchants, professional men, and tories. 

(5) The Federalist, Letters from a Federal 

Farmer, and in other controversial writ- 
ings. 

3. Would the people, voting directly and im- 

mediately, have ratified the constitution ? 
Reasons. 

Ratifying Conventions, 1787-1790 

1. In the small states. 

(1) Some unanimously. 

(2) Others by large majorities. 

(3) Account for such favorable action. 

*The teacher may use much or little of the matter on ratifica- 
cation. It deserves more attention than it generally gets, if, for 
no other reason, to correct the false conception of most Ameri- 
cans as to origin of our constitution. 



68 GEXEsrs OF (■OM>rox ideas 

2. The battle begins in Pennsylvania. 

(1) Contest in the legislature. 

(2) Campaign for election of delegates. 

(3) Debates in convention. (Document XXIX.) 

a. Disponents and their arguments. 

b. AYilson's defence of the constitution. 

c. The vote and its effects. 

3. The first doubtful convention in Massachusetts. 

(1) Position of Massachusetts jsast and present. 

(2) Conflicting interests and the compromise. 

a. How it was accomplished. 

b. The amendments and their effects. 

4. Virginia convention, June, 1788. 

(1) Campaign began early. 

(2) People from all parts of the state at the 

convention. 

(3) Make a list of opponents and friends. 

(4) Patrick Henry's arguments. (Document 

XXX.) 

(5) Effects of the victory. 

5. The fight in New York, June, 1788. 

(1) Conduct of New York delegates at Phila- 

delphia. Meaning. 

(2) Leaders on each side and their work. 

(3) Effect of Virginia's ratification on tlie con- 

vention. 

(4) Madison's letter to Hamilton ; its signifi- 

cance, 
(o) Tlie compromise ; its cause, nature, and 
danger. 



FIKST TEN AMENDMENTS 69 

(6) Tardy states , reasons. 
The Struggle for a Bill of Eights 

1. Wliy tlie convention did not put one into the 

constitution. (Document XXXI.) 

2. Why a great cause of opposition to ratification. 

3. Opponents of the constitution organize for an- 

other constitutional convention. Reasons. 

4. Friends of the constitution favor congressional 

amendment. 

(1) Reasons. 

(2) Washington's recommendation. 

(3) Madison's amendments. 

5. The first ten amendments passed and ratified. 

(1) Eftect on opponents of the constitution. 

(2) Real end of the campaign for the constitu- 

tion. 

(3) Greatly influenced the administration of 

whole constitution. 
General Results of the Moveiiieut for a More Per- 
fect Union 

1. State sovereignty demonstrated its radical 

weakness as a basis of union. 

2. Every step taken indicated a rise in the senti- 

ment of nationality.* 

* The meaning of this statement is not comprehended unless 
this sentiment has ah-eady been seen in the movements before the 
convention, in the work of the convention itself, in each ratifying 
convention, in the first ten amendments, and in other minor 
events. 



70 GENESIS OF COMAfON IDEAS 

3. Tlie coiistitutiou was a moderate triumph of 

natiouality. 

4. Beginnings of the differentiation of poHtical 

ideas. 

5. Germs of pohtical parties deposited. 

References 

Andrews' History of the United State, i. 239-240. Bancroft's 
History of the United States, \\. 371-4G0 (new ed.) ; History of 
the Constitution, 381-460. Elliot's Debates, ii. (Mass. and N. Y.): 
iii. (Va.). Fiske's Critical Period, 317-344. Gay's Madison, 115- 
127. Hart's Formation of the Union, 128-135. Hammond's 
Political History, i. 19-29. Von Hoist's Constitutional History, 
i. 60-61 ; Constitutional Law, 25-26. Hosmer's Samuel Adams, 
392-401. JelTerson's AVritings, i. 79-82, 318, 329, 355 ; ii. 316, 
318, 358, 375, 399 (old ed.). McMaster's History of the United 
States, i. 454-490. Magruder's Life of Marshall, 50-87. Rives' 
Madison, ii. 520-558, 560-612, 624-647. Stevens' Gallatin, 34-41. 
C. E. Stevens' Sources of the Constitution of the United States, 
207-248. Schouler's History of the United States, 52-70. Tyler's 
Patrick Henry, 279-301. Walker's Making of the Nation, 41-62. 
Wells' Samuel Adams, iii. 254-269. Wirt's Life of Patrick 
Henry, 263-308. 



Growth op Nationality, 1789-1870 



Natio7iality and Democracy, 1789-184.0 



STRUGGLE BETWEEN NATIONALITY AND STATE 
SOVEREIGNTY, 1789-1820 

Nature of this Struggle 

1. Preceding conflicts between these two ideas and 

sentiments. 

2. The last great contest for state sovereignty as 

such. 

Condition of tlie Country in 1789 

1. Geographic extent. 

2. Population and its distribution. 

3. Industrial situation. 

4. Education and its agencies. 

5. Political situation. 

(1) What the revolution had not accomplished. 

(2) Germs of political parties. 

(3) Fundamental ideas. 

Organization of the Government 

1. Elections, congressional and presidential. 

2. First inauguration. 

3. Formation of cabinet and judiciary. 

(71) 



7li GROWTPI OF NATIONALITY 

Leading Measures aud Events of Washington's Ad- 
ministration, 1789-1797 

1. Financial. 

(1) Tax on imports and tonage. 

(2) Funding and Assumption bills. 

(3) Excise bill. 

(4) United States bank. 

(5) Effects of these measures. 

2. Foreign relations. 

(1) With France. (Document XXXII.) 

(2) With England. 

Refereuces 

Andrews' i. 243-272. Bolles' Financial History of the United 
States, ii. 22-155. Gay's Madison, 202-215. ILuuiltoa's Report 
on ]\Ianufactures. Hart's Formation of the Union, 85-163. Hil- 
dreth's History of the United States, i. 152-174, 206-215, 253-262, 
411-440, 481-497. Von Hoist's Constitutional aud Political His- 
tory, 1, 80-118. Jefferson's Writings, ill. 154-163 ; also index to 
iii. and iv. Johnston's History of American Politics. Lalor's 
Cyclopedia of Political Science, art. Bank Controversies (xllex- 
ander Johnston) i. 199-204. Lodge's Alexander Hamilton, 86- 
184; George AVashington, ii. 110-120, 139-206. McAIaster's His- 
tory of the People of the United States, i. 568-584 ; ii. 25-41, 89- 
142, 165-188, 246-284. Marshall's Life of George Washington, 
ii. 178-190, 255-384. Morse's Thomas Jefferson, 97-102, 111-123, 
146-160. Niles' Weekly Register, v. 153-228. Pitkin's History 
of the United States, ii. 317-420, 442-478. Rives' Life of Madi- 
son, iii. 1-28, 67-118, 139-188. State Papers, i. 46. Schouler's 
History of the United States, i. 86-93, 130-142, 158-162. Stevens' 
Albert Gallatin, 256-288. Walker's Making of the Nation, 62-136. 

Decline of the Federalist Party 

1. Trouble with France. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON iS 

(1) Demands of the Directory. 

(2) Treatment of American ministers. 

(3) Gives Federalists large majority in congress. 

2. Alien and Sedition laws. 

(1) Purpose and nature. 

(2) Immediate consequences. 

(0) Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, 1789- 

1799. (Document XXXIII.) 

3. Internal dissensions and defeat in 1800. 

Anti-Federalist Party and its Work 

1. Its fundamental 23rinciple. 

2. Leader and organizer. 

3. Attitude toward questions since 1798. 

4. Triumph in 1800. 

(1) Causes and significance. 

(2) Character of the campaign. 

(3) Disputed election ; dangers and effects. 

(4) Jeff'erson's inaugural. (Document XXXIV.) 

5. Purchase of Louisana, 1803. 

(1) Causes — fundamental and particular. 

(2) Political cpiestions involved. 

(3) Immediate and remote consequences. 

6. Carrying out campaign- pledges. 

(1) Modification of the judiciary. 

(2) Cutting down expenditures. 

(3) Internal taxes. 

(4) Social and other changes at Washington. 

(5) Effects on both parties. 



74 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

7. Foreign policy and relations. 

(1) England's aggressions — their causes, na- 

ture and effects. 

(2) America's response. 

a. Jefferson's gunboats and negotiations. 

b. Non-intercourse. 

c. Embargo. 

(3) Political and commercial effects of these 

acts. 

Refereuces 

Andrews' i. 275-281, 305-^14, 325-340. Adams' John Ran- 
dolph, 27-37, 56-74, 83-94, 123-190. Brougham's Historical 
Sketches of Statesmen, iii. 280-290. Gay's Madison, 240-300. 
Hart's Formation of the Union, 164-189. Hildreth's History of 
the United States, ii. 36-44. Von Hoist's Constitutional and 
Political History, 1. 138-226. Jefferson's Writings, iv. and v. 
index. Johnston's History of American Politics, 40-68 ; Pepre- 
sentative American Orations, i. 99-116, 203-227. Lalor's Cyclo- 
pedia of Political Science, ai't. Anti-Federal Party (Alexander 
Johnston), i. 99-100 ; art. Democratic -Republic party (Alexander 
Johnston) i. 768-772. Lodge's Alexander Hamilton, 194-236. 
McMaster's History of the People of the United States, ii. 308- 
323, 367-451, 497-537 ; iii. 1-45, 198-210. Morse's Thomas Jef- 
ferson, 193-218, 231-253, 259-268. IMorse's John Quincy Adams, 
37-69. Schouler's History of the United States, i. 480-488 ; ii. 
1-7, 37-52, 75-111, 158-165. Schurz's Henry Clay, i. 67-74. 
Sumner's Jackson as a Public Man, 27-29. AValker's Making of 
the Nation, 137-213. 

The War of 1812 

1. Condition of the country, 1810-1812. 

(1) Physical resources. 

(2) Intellectual and moral resources. 



sp:cond war with England 75 

2. Causes of the war — immediate aud remote. 

3. Position of parties aud sections. 

(1) Opposition to declaration of war. Reasons. 

(2) Conduct of opposition in congress. 

(3) Opposition in New England * and else- 

where. (Document XXXVI.) 

4. Leading events of the war. 

(1) On the water. 
{2) On land. 

(2) The treaty and its meaning. 

5. Results of the war. 
(1) Political. 

a. Position of the Federalists. Why ? 

b. Condition of the Republican part}^ 

Why? 

c. Eraof good feeling ; fundamental cause. 

d. Has liberal construction gained or lost? 

Meaning. (Document XXXV.) 
2. International. 

a. The questions causing war. 

b. The Monroe Doctrine — origin, nature, 

and significance, 1823. (Document 
XXXVII.) 

(3) Financial and industrial. 

a. War debt. 

b. United States Bank re-chartered, 1816. 

Why now and not in 1811 ? 

*Makealist of the recommendations aud resolutions of the 
Hartford convention. What political principle are they based 
on ? Compare with Kentucky aud Virginia resolutions. 



76 GROWTPI OF NATIONALITY 

c. Foreign trade and home production. 

d. Danger of peace to American production. 

e. Tariff of 1816 — authors, purpose, and 

effects. 
/. Internal improvements, origin, growth, 
and political and industrial signifi- 
cance, 1808-1820. 

The Triumph of First Phase of Nationality 

1. The events making this result. 

2. Connection between the war and this result. 

References 

Andrews' i. 283-304, 315-324, Benton's Thirty Years' View, 
1-16, 21-23, 82-34. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 178- 
192. Gay's James Madison, 283-320. Hart's Formation of the 
Union, 191-258. Hildreth's History of the United States, iii. 
196-206, 232-237, 242-247, 262-323, 581-592. Von Hoist, Con- 
stitutional and Political History, 1. 200-277, 396-423. Johnston's 
History of American Politics, 69-81. Lalor's Cyclopedia, of 
Political Science, art. Hartford Convention (Alexander Johnston) 
i. 624-626; art. Embargo (Alexander Johnston) ii. 81-85. Lodge's 
Daniel Webster, 61-66, 156-171. McMaster's History of the 
People of the United States, iv. 1-600. Madison's Works, ii. 188- 
187, 196, 206, 215, 290-349, 404-405, 407-427, 429-431, 439, 451, 
455-458, 464-465, 488, 523-524, 536-538. Morse's John Quincy 
Adams, 37-69, 130-137. Niles' Weekly Register (see topics in 
index of vols. 1-25. Schiirz's Henry Clay, 1. 62-66, 77-85, 88-97, 
126-171, 209-210. Schouler, ii. 881-462, and index. AValker's 
Maldng of the Nation, 214-273. 



NATIONALIZATION OF DEMOCRACY, 1812-1840 

A New Pliase of Nationality 

1. The plain people develop a deeper interest and 
action in national affairs. 



JACKSON AND THE PEOPLE 77 

2. Strengthens tlie sentiment of union. 
Caiiipjiigii of 1824 

1. Old parties disintegrated and new ones not 

organized. 

2. Leading candidates ; effect on the people of 

each section having a candidate. 

3. Failure of congressional caucus ; significance. 

4. No choice by electors ; Adams elected by the 

House. 

Election of Jackson and the Triumph of the People, 

1828 

1. Campaign opens in 1825. 

2. Leading arguments. 

(1) That congress had violated the democratic 

principle in electing Adams. Signifi- 
cance. 

(2) That Adams and Clay secured Jackson's 

defeat by corrupt bargain. 

(3) That Jackson was a man of the people 

while the others represented an office- 
holding aristocracy. Significance. 

3. New campaign metliods. 

4. Results as interpreted by 

(1) Scenes at the inauguration. 

(2) By the events wliich folio vved. 

New Kind of President 

L Jackson's antecedents and their meaning. 



78 GROWTH O^ NATIONALITY 

2. His conception of his position as president and 
its meaning. 
^ew Kind of Constituency 

1. Position of leaders and their followers before 

this period. 

2. Leaders and people assume new attitude to- 

ward the national government. 

(1) This new condition marks greatest revolu- 

tion since adoption of constitution. 

(2) Beginning of second phase of nationality. 

(3) These new conditions account for many 

succeeding movements. 
New Civil Service Policy 

1. Principles and practice of Jackson's prede- 

cessors. 

(1) Washington's rules and favorable condi- 

tions. 

(2) John Adams and the midnight appoint- 

ments. 

(3) Jefferson's problem and liow he solved it. 

(4) John Quincy Adams the ideal civil service 

reformer. 

2. First " clean sweep ". 

(1) Causes found in preceding events. 

(2) Effects ; immediate and remote. 

References 

Andrews' i. 348-362. Benton's Tliirty Years' View, i. 11 1-114, 
159-163. Von Hoist's Constitutional and Political History, ii. 
1-27. Johnston's History of American Politics, 96-101, 105-106. 



NULLIFICATION 79 

McMaster's History of the People of the United States, ii. 585-588. 
Morse's John Qiiiucy Adams, 179-181, 201-205. Niles' Weekly 
Register, index to Vols. 25-36. Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, 
69-87. Schoulor's History of the United States, iii. 409-420, 
426-440, 451-465. Schurz's Henry Clay, i. 204-257, 332-337. 
Shepard's Martin Van Buren, 38-48, 89-99, 177-183. Sumner's 
Andrew Jackson as a Public Man, 73-99, 108-118, 139-148. 
Woodrow Wilson's Division and Reunion, 19-34. 

New Phase of State Sovereignty begins to Appear 

1. Preceding j^ublic expression of this principle. 

2. Nullification by South Carolina. 

(1) Calhoun's "South Carolina exposition," 

1828. 

(2) Webster-Hayne debate, 1830. 

(3) Calhoun's " Address to the people of South 

Carolina," 1831. 

(4) State convention passes 

a. ordinance of nullification, 1832, 
h. Action of state legislature. 

3. Action of national authorities. 

(1) Jackson's proclamation. (Doc. XXXVIII.) 

(2) Force bill and compromise tariff. 

4. Fundamental cause of controversy. 

5. State sovereignty becomes a means of protect- 

ing slavery.* 

New Financial Policy 

1. The bank controversy. 

* It is important to note this change. To Jefferson and Madi- 
son state sovereignty M^as a noble principle, but in its later de- 
velopment it is a shield to shivery. 



80 GROWTH OP NATIOXALITY 

(1) Causes — jiarticular and fundamental. 

(2) A leading issue in 1<S32. 

2, Bank charter vetoed and deposits removed. 

3. Financial panic of 1837. 

(1) Causes, immediate and remote. 

(2) Effects. 

a. Economic. 
h. Political. 

(3) Remedies and Van Bureii's attitude. 

The Campaign of 1840 

1. Nature and significance. 

2. Harrison-T}der administration. 

New Era of Intellectual and Material Developnient, 
1820-1840 

1. Old world awakening. 

(1) Great revolutions on the continent. 

(2) Eeforms in England. 

2. New intellectual life in America. 

(1) In literature, Hawthorne, Poe, Whittier, 

Longfellow, Bancroft, Emerson, Holmes, 
Prescott and Lowell. 

(2) In political and economic science, Kent, 

Story, Lieber and Carey. 

(3) Modern newspaper established. 

(4) Social reforms. 

a. New prison system. 

h. Increase of benevolent institutions. 



A NEW ERA 81 

(5) Political and moral reforms. 

a. Eise of anti-slavery societies and their 
work. 

h. Rise of great anti-slavery agitators. 
c. Beginnings of a new political party. 

3. New industrial conditions begin to appear. 

(1) Steam navigation on rivers, lakes and 

ocean. 

(2) Railways grow from 23 to over 2000 miles. 

(3) Steam hammer and reaper invented. 

(4) Corporations and labor organizations. 

4. Significance of the new era. 

(1) America rises in her own and in foreign 

estimation. 

(2) Redistribution of population in the north. 

(3) South remains comparatively stationary. 
a. Causes. 

h. Consequences. 

References 

Andrews, i. 363-390. Benton's Thirty Years' View, i. 220-265, 
873-473, 556-568, 676-707. Von Hoist's Constitutional and Poli- 
tical History, ii. 31-79, 172-218, 459-505. Niles' Weekly Regis- 
ter. (See index for topics in Vols. 33-66. Roosevelt's Tliomas 
H. Benton, 114-156, 189-208. Scliouler's History of the Unitec^ 
States, iii. 469-475 ; iv. 44-54, 68-70, 168-174, 229-230, 257-272, 
276-285. Scburz's Henry Clay, i. 351-355, 372-378; ii. 23-51, 
113-127. Shepard's Martin Van Buren, 242-299. Sumner's An- 
drew Jackson as a Public Man, 224-276, 291-342. Woodrow 
Wilson's Division and Reunion, 69-98. 



82 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

Conflict between Nationality and Slavery, 1830-1870 



SECTIONALIZATION OF INTERESTS AND SENTI- 
MENTS, 1835-1860 

Nature of this Phase 

1. State sovereignty becomes the instrument of 

slavery. 

2. Disunion sentiment grows in both sections. 

3. Rise of new parties in each section. 

Slavery in Early Days 

1. Not considered an evil in the 17th century. 

(1) Gained no solid foothold in the North. 

(2) Favored in South by climate, soil and 

products. 

2. On the decline before the revolution. 

(1) Puritan and Quaker ideas riot in harmony 

with it. 

(2) Even southern colonies petitioned against 

importation of slaves. 

(3) Attitude of England toward slavery in the 

colonies, 1660-1750. 

(4) Congress of 1774 declared against impor- 

tation. 
. 3. Effects of the revolution. 

4. The contest in the constitutional convention. 

5. Quaker petitions to the first congress and their 

effects. 

6. First fugitive slave law — nature and effects. 



CONTEST FOR THE SENATE 83 

Balance of Power between Freedom and Slavery in 
the Senate 

1. Slavery loses control in the lower house ; causes, 

particular and fundamental. 

2. How power was maintained in the senate. 

(1) What was the order of state admission up 

to 1819, and what its meaning? 

(2) What was the meaning of Missouri's appli- 

cation in 1819? 

Missouri Controversy and Compromise 

1. Fundamental and immediate cause. 

2. Talmadge's amendment or the Missouri limi- 

tation. 

3. Leading arguments on each side. 

4. Compare the spirit of slavery here with its 

spirit in the constitutional convention, and 
debates over the Quaker petitions. 

5. The compromise and the effects of the fight. 

(Document XXXIX.) 

References 

Andrews', i. 340-347. Adams' John Randolph, 270-277. Ben- 
ton's Thirty Years' View, 1, 4-10, 14-18. Blaine's Twenty Years 
of Congress, i. 14-25, Draper's History of the American Civil 
War, i. 311-327, 349-359. Oilman's James Monroe, 144-149. 
Greeley and Cleveland comp., Political Text-book for 1860, 49-65. 
Hart's Formation of the Union, 19-21, 107-109, 113-115, 126-127, 
151-152, 170, 216, 236-241, Von Hoist's Constitutional and 
Political History, i. 354-381. McLaughlin's Lewis Cass, 42-44. 
Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln : A History {see Century 
XXXni (1887) : 685-690. Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, 43-45. 



84 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

Scliouler's History of the United States, iii. 134-186. United 
States— Congress. Annals. Arnold's Lincoln and Slavery, 25- 
82. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 24-49. Wilson's Rise and 
Fall of the Slave Power, i. 1-56. 

The Movement for Texas 

1. Early attempts to possess Texas. 

(1) Relation to purchase of Louisiana. 

(2) Relation to purchase of Florida, 1819. 

(3) Mexican independence and its relation to 

this movement. 
a. Integrity of national domain a principle 

of action. 
h. Hence refused offers for Texas made in 

1827, in 1829, and in 1835 including 

California. 

(4) Significance of offers to purchase Texas. 

2. Another movement for Texas. 

(1) Slaveholders migrate to Texas. 

a. Purpose at first, perhaps only industrial. 
h. Effects. 

(2) General Huston, encouraged by President 

Jackson, inaugurates rebellion in Texas. 

(3) Calls for aid from United States. 

(4) Declaration of independence without the 

" equal rights of man ", 1836. 

(5) Victory of San Jacinto won by men and 

munitious from United States, 1836. 

(6) Independence recognized. 



WAR FOR SI. AVERY EXTENSION 85 

2. Annexation of Texas. 
(1) Two obstacles. 

a. Danger from Mexico. 
h. Hostility of anti-slavery sentiment — 
causes and effects. 
2. Attitude of parties and leaders, 1844. 

(1) Agreement between Yan Buren and Clay. 

(2) Effect of this position on both. 

(3) Organization of Liberty party and its rela- 

tion to the election. 

(4) Act of Annexation, 1845. 

Mexican War 

1. Causes. 

(1) Remote and fundamental causes. 

(2) Immediate and particular causes. 

2. The war, 1846-1848. 

(1) Leading campaigns against Mexico proper. 
a. General Taylor's victories. 

h. General Scott captures the capital. 

(2) (\-)nquest of California. 

a. Northern California occupied by xVmer- 

can citizens. 
h. Fremont's expedition and its meaning. 

(3) Attitude of people and parties. 

a. Democratic party enthusiastic, specially 

in the South. 
h. Whig party opposed to war, except in 
^ the South, but supports war measures. 



86 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

c. Anti-slavery party violently opposed. 

d. People of all parties filled the army. 
(4) Wilmot Proviso and its significance. 

Campaii»ii of 1848 

1. JMexican war creates a AVhig military hero, 

Gen. Taylor. 

2. Produced none for administration party. 

3. Clay and Webster put aside for Taylor. Reasons 

and significance. 

4. General Cass nominated by the Democrats. 

5. Free-soil party. 

(1) Successor to Liberty party. 

(2) Leading principles. (Document XL.) 

(3) Martin Van Buren its candidate. 
a. Motives of candidate and party. 

h. New York, the pivotal state, won by the 

Whigs. 
c. Free-soil vote; over 290,000 in the 

nation and over 120,000 in New York. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 3-29. Benton's Thirty Years' View, i. 665-676 ; 
ii. 94-97, 581-619, 639-649, 677-694, 722-724. Blaine's Twenty 
Years of Congress, i. 26-40, 62-86. Curtis' Life of Daniel Web- 
ster, 1. 521-527 ; ii. 300-310, 332-342. Draper's History of Amer- 
ican Civil War, i. 308-401. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 147- 
178, 185-198 ; and Cleveland com}-). Political Text-Book of 1860, 
15-18, 65-69. Yon Hoist's Constitutional and Political History, 
ii. 548-714; iii. 61-400. Lodge's Daniel Webster, 264-297. 
Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, 290-316. Schouler's History 
of the United States, iv. 247-257, 302-307, 518-545; v. 1-110. 
Schurz's Henry Clay, i. 162-165 ; ii. 270-314. Shepard's Martin 



THE '^finality" COArPKOMISE 87 

Van Buren, 306-308, 343-370. Sumner's Andrew Jackson, 351- 
359. Henry Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave 
Power in America, i. 585-651 ; ii. 6-30, 114-160. Woodrow Wil- 
son's Division and Reunion, 149-160. 

Tlie Compromise of 1850 

1. Causes. 

(1) Remote and fundamental. 

(2) Immediate and particular. 

2. Leading features of Clay's original proposi- 

tions. (Document XLI.) 

3. How propositions were received. 

(1) Opponents of the compromise. 

a. Congress opposed to plan as a whole. 

b. President Taylor. Reasons. 

c. Anti-slavery leaders. 

d. John C. Calhoun ; his last great speech. 

(2) Supporters. 

a. Clay and Webster ; their speeches. 

b. Men who feared disruption of union. 

(3) Agitation among people increases. 

a. South meets in convention in Nashville. 

b. Great excitement in New England over 

Webster's speech. 

(4) Main features passed after death of Taylor 

and Calhoun. 
1. Immediate effects. 

(1) Excitement allayed and union meetings 

held. 

(2) Considered a " finality " by old parties. 



88 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(3) Deceptive calm ; proof. 
5. Fugitive slave law exasperates the North. 

(1) By its unusual provisions. 

(2) By its enforcement. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 30-37. ArnolcVs Ilistoiy of Lincoln and the 
Overthrow of Slaver}^. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 
76-108. Calhoun's Works, iv. 339-3(31, 542-574. Clay's Life 
and Speeches, iv. 595-602, 617-619, 593 ; vi. 394-418, 423-482, 
515-568, 609. Draper's History of the Americaa Civil War, i. 
405. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 202-221 ; and Cleveland, 
comj^ Political Text-Book of 1860, 69-79. Vou Hoist's Con- 
stitutional and Political History, iii. 402-597 ; iv. 1-45, 101-132. 
Johnston's History of American Politics, 151-157. Lalor's Cyclo- 
pedia of Political Science, art. Compromises (Alexander Johns- 
ton) i. 552-553 ; art. Fugitive Slave Laws (iVlexander Johnston) 
ii. 315-317 ; art. Personal Liberty Laws (Johnston) iii. 162-163 ; 
art. Slavery (Johnston) iii. 735. Morse's Abraham Lincoln, i. 
85-93. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln : A History {see Cen- 
tury, XXXIII, 1887: 691-706). Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, 
43-48, 157-171, 235-244, 332-339. Schouler's History of the 
United States, v. 133-157, 160-173, 178-187, 196-213. Woodrow 
Wilson's Division and Peunion, 161-193. 

Campaign of 1852 

1. Candidates and platforms of the old parties. 

2. Free-soil party and principles. 

3. Progress of the canvass. 

(1) Attitude of the northern and southern 

Whigs. 

(2) ^lany Free Soilers in 1848 now support 

Pierce. 

4. The election — results and significance. 



THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT 89 

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 185-t 

1. Nature and purpose. 

2. Doctrine involved and its previous history. 

3. Relation to compromises of 1850 and 1820. 

Contest for Kansas Begins. 

1. Missourians cross the border early. 

2. Emigrant Aid Society. 

(1) Authorized by legislature of Massachusetts. 

(2) First colony departs July, 1854. 

a. Inspired the North. 

b. Hundreds of committees formed. 

3. Slaveholders fail in establishing like organiza- 

tions. AVhy ? 

4. Elections in Kansas. 

5. Governors appointed and their experience. 

6. Conflicting constitutions. 

(1) Attitude of administration. 

(2) Debates in congress. 

(3) Civil war in Kansas. 

(4) Kansas and tlie congressional bribe. 

7. Political revolution. 

(1) Free-soil men with an old platform, a new 

candidate, and a new name. 

(2) Whigs and Know-nothings. 

(3) Disintegration of northern democracy and 

its significance. 

(4) Meaning of the vote. 



90 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

References 

Andrews, i. 38-56. Draper's History of the Civil War, i. 409- 
417. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 235-251, and Cleveland 
comp. Political Text-Book of 1860, 18-26. Von Hoist's Constitu- 
tional and Political History, iv. 133-461 ; v. 1-468. Johnston's 
Histor}^ of American Politics, 156-169. Morse's Abraham Lin- 
coln, i. 93-110. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln : A History 
{see Century xxxiii (1887) : 866-884, xxiv : 82-110). Roosevelt's 
Thomas H. Benton, 341-365. Schouler's History of the United 
States, V. 239-250, 280-308, 315-336, 342-363. Schurz's Henry 
Clay, ii. 373-405. Tourgee's Hot Plowshares. Henry Wilson's 
History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, ii. 
360-434, 462-522. Woodrow Wilson's Division and Reunion, 
178-193. 

Dred Scott Decision 

1. The case ; its nature, purpose and decision. 

2. Relation to Missouri compromise and Kansas 

trouble. 

3. Political effects. 

(1) On state campaigns of 1858. 

(2) On Supreme Court. 

Lincoln-Douglas Debate, 1858 

1. Preliminary to the battle. (Document XLII.) 

2. Position of Douglas and his qualifications for a 

hand-to-hand contest. 

3. Position of Lincoln and his qualifications 

4. The canvass. (Document XLIII.) 

(1) Seven joint debates and a number of single 

speeches. 

(2) Topics and methods of debate. 

5. Results of contest. 



CHARLESTON CONVENTION 91 

(1) To the coutestants. 

(2) To their parties. 
John Brown's Raid 

1. Another prehminary skirmish. 

2. Brown's antecedents. 

3. His purpose, plans and their execution. 

(1) How far known by the Nortli. 

(2) What the South believed. 

4. Effect on the country. 

5. Real significance of raid. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 57-65. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 
130-137, 154-158. Draper's History of American Civil War, i. 
407-408, 525-530. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 279-299. Von 
Hoist's Constitutional and Political History, vi. 1-37, 253-324 ; 
vii. 18-60. Lalor's Cyclopedia of Political Science, art. John 
Brown (Johnston) i. 310 ; art. Secession (Johnston) iii. 698. Morse's 
Abraham Lincoln, i. 111-160. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lin- 
coln : A History. {See Century, xxxiv (1887) : 203-219, 369-386, 
516-524.) Nicolay a/ifZ Hay's Abraham Lincoln : A History, ii. 
58-170. Schouler's History of the United States, v. 376-382, 
437-447. U. S.— Senate Reports, 1859-1860. Report of Com. 
No. 278. Henry Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of Slave 
Power in America, ii. 523-533, 587-600. Woodrow Wilson's 
Division and Reunion, 197-199, 202-204. 

Charleston Convention and Disruption of Demo- 
cratic Party, 1860 

1. Factions and their principles. (Doc. XLIV.) 

2. Committee on platform and its reports. 

3. Causes of the split, immediate and remote. 

4. Subsequent conventions. 

5. Significance of the breach. 



92 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

Chicago Convention and the Nomination of Lincoln 

1. Elements composing the convention. 

2. Leading candidates. 

3. Why Lincoln was nominated. 

4. The platform, its ideas and their origin. 

Constitutional Union Party 

1. Component elements. 

2. Leading ideas. 

3. Candidates. 

Canvass and the Election 

1. General character. 

(1) Warm conflict of ideas and principles. 

(2) More intense in the North than in the 

South. 

2. October elections. 

(1) Foretold triumph of Lincoln. 

(2) Patriotic conduct of Douglas. 

3. An analysis of the vote ; its meaning. 

References 

Abbott's History of the Civil War in America, i. 39-41. Ar- 
nold's History of Lincoln and the Overthrow of Slavery, 140-155. 
Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 154-178. Draper's His- 
tory of the American Civil War, i. 496-507. Foote's War of the 
Rebellion, 264-294. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 309-318; 
Greeley and Cleveland, camp. Political Text-Book for 1860, 26- 
48. Von Hoist's Constitutional and Political History, vii. 110- 
249. Johnston's History of American Politics, 179-180. Kettell's 
History of the Great Rebellion, i. 36-40. Lalor's Cyclopedia of 
Political Science, art. Democratic- Republican party (Johnston), 
1. 781-782. Lamon's Life of Abraham Lincoln, 424-440, 444-457. 



SECESSION 93 

Morse's Abraham Lincoln, i. 161-179. Nicolay and Hay's Abra- 
ham Lincoln : A History. {See Centmy xxxiv. (1887) : 203-219, 
3G9-386. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln : A History, ii. 
227-295. Schouler's History of the United States, v. 454-469. 
Victor's History of the Southern Rebellion, i. 31-35. Henry 
Wilson's History of the Rise and Fall of Slave Power in America, 
ii. 673-704. Woodrow Wilson's Division and Reunion, 204-210. 



THE FINAL STRUGGLE BETWEEN NATIONALITY 
AND SLAVERY, 1860-1870 

Nature of this Struggle 

1. A measure of the strength of national senti- 

ment. 

2. A revival of nationality. 

Movement for Secession 

1. Causes and motives. (Document XLVI.) 

(1) Fundamental and secondary. 

(2) False or specio 

2. Active campaign. 

(1) Conspiracy of southern office-holders. (Doc- 

ument XLV.) 
a. National ; cabinet and congressional. 
h. State ; governors and others. 

(2) Special session of southern legislatures. 
a. Called by proclamations. 

h. Voted to organize for state defense, 
c. Issued calls for secession convention. 

(3) First set of conventions, Dec. 20, 1860— 

Feb. 1, 1861. 



94 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

a. Why not by popular vote ? 
h. Opposition to secession in various states, 
c. The ordinance ; nature and meaning. 
(4) How popular sentiment was aroused. 
3. The South's appeal to right of revolution. 

(1) Read statement of this doctrine in the 

Declaration of Independence. 

(2) Compare the South's list of abuses with 

those in the Declaration. 

(3) What conclusions ? 

Formation of the Confederacy 

1. Preliminary steps. 

(1) Delegates authorized by secession conven- 

tions. 

(2) Convention urged by conspirators at Wash- 

ington. 
3. Montgomery convention, Feb. 4, 1861. 

(1) Provisional constitution. 

(2) Election of president and vice-president. 

(3) Military preparations. 

a. Confederacy to control ports, arsenals, 

public establishments. 
h. 100,000 volunteers and $15,000,000 

voted. 

(4) Commissioners to Washington and to slave 

states not yet seceded. 

Conspiracy at Washington ^ 

1. Influence over President Buchanan. 



CONCILIATION PAILS^ 95 

(1) Seen iu his message to congress. 

(2) In refusal to protect United States property 

in rebel states. 
2. Disorganization of departments. 

5. Plan of southern congressmen. 

4. Threatened seizure of Washington and Lincoln. 

(1) Purpose and plan. 

(2) Measures taken to prevent it. 

Atieinpts to Conciliate the South Dec, 18G0, to 
April, 1861 

1. Border states lead. Eeasous. 

2. Crittenden compromise. 

(1) Origin and nature. 

(2) Attitude of northern and southern senators. 

3. The Committee of Thirty-three. 

(1) Origin and membership). 

(2) Propositions. 

(3) Cause of failure. 

4. The peace convention. 

(1) Origin and Avork. 

(2) Attitude of seceded states. 

a. Causes. 

b. Effects on North and South. 

6. Congressional action in organizing new terri- 

tories. 

(1) No limitation upon slavery whatever. 

(2) Significance of tliis action. 

6. Attitude of the new administration. 



9G GROWTPI OF NATIONALITY 

(1) Seward's great change. 

(2) Lincoln's inaugural. (Document XLVTI.) 

(3) Treatment of confederate commissioners. 
7. The gain and loss in this policy. 

(1) To the South. 

(2) To the North. 

a. With reference to free states. 

b. With reference to border slave states. 

Attack on Sumter 

1. Immediate cause. 

2. Effect on the South. 

3. Effects on the North. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 75-104. Blaine, i. 215-274. Botts' Great Re- 
bellion, 177-179, 183-226. Draper's History of the American 
Civil War, ii. 41-93. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 338 -516. 
Harper's New Monthly Magazine, xxii : 111-112, 255-257, 404- 
406, 546-549, 688-691. Johnston's Representative American 
Orations, iii. 58-124. Logan's Great Conspiracy, 99-188, 255- 
375. IVIorse's Abraham Lincoln, i. 180-254, Nicolay and Hay's 
Abraham Lincoln, ii. 296-447 ; iii. 1-449 ; iv. 44-244 ; Works of 
Lincoln, ii. 1-34 ; (,wCent. xxxiv. (1887) : 819-850 ; xxxv. 64-87, 
265-284, 419-436, 599-616, 707-723, 898-922.) Ropes' Story of 
the Civil War, i. 1-97. Henry AYil son's Rise and Fall of the 
Slave Power, iii. .see table of contents. Woodrow Wilson's 
Division and Reunion, 210-221. 

Lending Military Events up to 1863 

1. The great military ohjects of the war. 

(1) The capture of each other's capital. 

(2) The possession of the Mississippi river. 

(3) Control of the Atlantic ports. 



BULL RUN ^^7 

2. General advautages and disadvantages to each 

party with reference to each of these objects. 

3. Battle of Bull Run, July, 1861. 

(1) Previous engagements. 

(2) Ininiediate cause and its meaning. 

(3) Some features of the battle. 

(4) Hesults. 

a. Immediate and remote to each party. 

b. Judged by the ends in view. 

4. Breaking the confederate lines in the West, 

Nov., 1861— Dec, 1862. 

(1) Location of first line and its means of 

defense. 

(2) Federal attack. 

a. Plan and means. 

h. Capture of Forts Henry and Donelson. 

c. Results. 

(3) Second line of defense. 

a. Location. 

b. Shiloh and the fall of Corinth. 

c. Other results. 

(4) Third line of defense. 

a. Vicksburg ; its strong position. 

b. Grant drives Pemberton within his forti- 

fications, Dec, 1862. 
5. Campaign for capture of Richmond. 
(1) Double purpose. 

a. Protection of Washington. ' 

b. Capture of Richmond. 



98 GROWTH OP NATIONALITY 

(2) Preparation. 

(0) The Peninsula campaign, March, 1<S()0 — 

Aug., 1862. 
a. Leading events. 

h. ResuUs of the movement as a whole. 
6. Campaign against Washington, Aug. — Dec, 
1862. 

(1) Favorahle conditions. 

a. McClellan's retreat rouses the enthusi- 
asm of the South. 

h. Increase of confederate army by con- 
scription. 

c. Cooperating sortie in the AV^est. 

(2) Creation of army of Virginia with Pope in 

command. 

(3) Second battle of Bull Run. 
a. Lee's plan of attack. 

h. Some features of tlie l)attle- 

c. WHiy the federal troops were defeated. 

d. Results. 

(4) Lee invades Maryland and Bragg Ken- 

tucky. (Document XLVIII.) 
a. AVliat they hoped to accomplish. 
h. Harper's Ferry and Antietam. 

(5) Battle of Fredei-icks1)urg. 

a. Circumstance leading to it. 

b. Causes of federal defeat. 

(6) Results of the campaign. 



FOPvKIGX KKLATIONS 99 

a. To the South. 

h. To the North. 

Kefereiices 

Andrews, ii. 105-158. Draper's History of the American Civil 
War, ii. 108-130, 258-320, 367-417, 427-479. Grant's Personal 
Memoirs, i. 282-421. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 531-054. 
Lo<>an's Great Conspiracy. 270-341. IMorse's Abraham Lin- 
coln, i. 298-302, 303-307 ; ii. 1-94. Nicolay and Hay's Abraham 
Lincoln, iv. 308-310; v. 42-122. 148-200, 252-287,303-440; vi. 
1-29, 131-222 ; {see Cent.v.v.wi. (1888) : 281-305, 393-402, 502-583, 
658-678, 212-933; xxxvii.: 130-148, 427-439.) Rope's Story of 
the Civil AVar, i. 111-274. Sherman's Personal Memoirs, 1. 204-291. 

Foreig'u Relations and Naval Oiierations to 1863 

1. Blockade of southern ports. 

(1) By presideut's i)i*ockunatioD, April 18(31. 

(2) Political siguifjcance. 

(0) The South recognized as belligerants by 

England and France. 

2. English sentiment. (Document XLIX.) 

(1) Against the North. 

a. Commercial reasons. 
h. Influence of slavery. ' 

c. Effect of Bull Run. 

d. Effect on the North. 

(2) Position of Engl isli government. 

a. Charged witli favoring partition of tlie 

republic. . 
h. Prime minister and Mr. Gladstone. 
c. Pi'ince Albert and Queen Victoria, 
(o) Feeling by classes. 



100 CJi:OAVTrr of nationality 

a. Upper and middle. 
h. Laboring classes. 
(4) Newspapers. 

3. The Trent affair. 

(1) The South liopes for European aid. 
a. Agents early sent abroad. 

/>. Unofficially received hy English gov- 
ernment. 
c. Appointment of IVIason and Slidell. 

(2) Capture of the Trent hy the San Jacinto. 

(0) Elfects on England. 

(4) Action of American authorities ; effects. 

4. England the naval base of the confederacy. 

(1) Confederacy liad but few home-made pri- 

vateers. 
a. Reasons. 
I). Why it turned to England. 

(2) English shipyards l)uilt live privateers be- 

sides ironclads and rams, 
(a) The Alabama. 

a. Her origin and Avork. 

h. Captui'o by the Kearsarge, June, 18(34. 

c. America complained that the Alabama 

A\^as made in England. 

Had an English armament. 

AVas manned by Englishmen. 

Had arlillei"ists in English pay. 

Sailed under English liag. 



EARLY NAVAL Ol'KJ^ATIOXS 101 

Was welcomed in English ports. 
Never saw an American harbor. 

d. English reply : '' Can not change domes- 
tic laws to please foreign nations." 

c. America's answer. 

5. American navy. 

(1) Condition in 1861. 

a. 42 vessels, 555 guns and 7600 men. 

(2) Duties in the Avar. 

6. Early naval engagements. 

(1) Merrimac and Monitor, March, 1<S62. 
a. Origin of each. 

h. First day's work at Hampton's Roads, 
c. Conflict and its results. 

(2) Capture of New Orleans, May, 1862. 
a. Importance of the place. 

h. Confederate fortifications and other ob- 
stacles. 

c. Federal forces and their preparation. 

d. Passing the forts. 

e. Surrender of the city. 

/. Farragut moves up to Vicksburg. 

Kel'ereiices 

Blackwood's Edinbiiriili IMai^a/Jiie. See index 1861-lSG.j for 
British opinion. Boynlon's History of the Navy during the Ke- 
bellion, i. 75-184, 358-376, 515-500. Draper's History of the 
American Civil War, ii. 27-33, 501-548. Gaspin's America Before 
Em-ope, 1-322. Greeley's American Conflict, i. 006-608 Har- 
per's New Monthly Magazine xxiv.: 115, 258, 398-401, 550-551 ; 
XXV.: 418, 563; \\vi.:13t, 272, 412, 560-561. McCarthy's His- 



102 GKOWTII OF NATIONALITY 

tory of Our Own Times, iii. 233-278, Morse's Abrahain Lincoln, 
iv. 260-2S0 ; v. 21-41, 21S-274 ; vi. 49-89 ; viii. 254-280 ; ix. 128- 
157. Quarterly Review. tSeeiudax 1861-1 8G5 for Brilibhopiuiou. 

Moveiiieiit for Eiiianeipation 

1. Motives of the North iu the war. 

(1) Preservation of the Uuion. 

(2) Destructioii of shivery. 

2. Northern concessions to jn-eveut disunion. 

(1) Held many border state men. 

(2) Prevented early dissensions in tlie North. 

3. Irregular action by military autliorities. 

(1) General Butler declares slaves contraband, 

May, 18G1. 
(L Circumstances. 
h. Significance. 

(2) Genei-al Fremont's action, August, 1«S()1. 
('>) Secretary Cameron's action, 1861. 

(4) General Hunter's declaration, 18()2. 
(")) Halk'ck, Buell, Hooker, and McClcllan. 

4. Anti-slavery legislation of congress. 

(1) Slaves used in the rebel army to Ijc free, 

Aug., 1861. 
a. How and Avliy used in wai*. 
h. Op])ositi()n to tlie bill and its meaning. 

(2) Army proliiljited from returning slaves, 

J\rarcli, 18G2. 
('•>) Abolition of slavery in District of Colum- 
bia, April, 18(32. 



KMANCIPATION 103 

(4) Proliil)ition ot* slavery iu the territories, 

Juno, 18G2. 

(5) Employment of the colored soldiers, July, 

1862. 
a. Cause and nature of Ijill. 
1) Great indignation excited in the bor- 
der states. 

(6) Confiscation Act — its nature, July, 1862. 

a. Opposition in North and in border 

states. 
h. Possible effects. 

5. President Lincoln's early anti-slavery acts. 

(1) Lincoln's position as shown in his inaugu- 

ral and his letters to Greele}^ and Ban- 
croft. 

(2) Colonization proposed ; first annual mes- 

sage. 

(3) CJompensated emancipation proposed. 
a. Intended for l)order states ; reasons. 

h. Attitude of these states ; cause and 
effect. 

6. Emancipation. (Document L.) 

(1) Urged upon Lincoln early ; why he waited. 

(2) Lincoln begins to consider a preliminary 

proclamation, 
(o) Proclamation, 8ept. 23, 1862. 
a. Immediate cause. 
h. Nature and scope. 



104 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(4) Immediate effects. 

a. Action of governors and congressmen. 
h. " Divided the North and united the 
South." 

(5) The final prochimation. 

a. Its nature. 

b. Effects on foreign nations. 

c. Effects on the South. 

d. Expectation of the negro. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 190-193. Arnold's History of Lincoln and the 
Overthrow of Slavery, 226-228, 233-237, 247-305. Blaine's 
Twenty Years of Congress, i. 342-343, 368-377, 345-348. Draper's 
History of the American Civil AVar, ii. 590-614. Greeley's 
American Conflict, ii. 237-265. Harper's New Monthly ]\Iaga- 
zine XXV.: 839 ; xxvi. 411-412. Logan's Great Conspiracy, 342- 
512. IMorse's Abraham Lincoln, ii. 1-30, 96-133. Nicolay and 
Hay's A])raham Lincoln, iv. 385-396, 416-439 ; v. 201-217 ; 90- 
130, 147-172, 399-488 ; (see Cent, xxxvii. (1888-1889) : 276-294, 
440-447. 689-704, 917-922.) AYorks of Lincoln, ii. See topics in 
index. Henry Wilson's Rise of the Slave Power, ii. 230-393. 

Politics During 1861 and 1862 (Document LI.) 
1. Differentiation of sentiment among the peoj^le. 

(1) Extreme anti-slavery men. 

a. Opposed to president's moderate poUcy. 

b. Number, leader and influence. 

(2) Moderate Republicans and War Democrats. 

a. Constituted majority of northern people. 

b. Furnished majority of volunteers. 



POLITICAL JIK ACTION 105 

c. Why Democrats furnislied majority of 
army officers. 

(3) Moderate Democrats. 

a. Peculiar attitude toward the rebellion. 
h. Sided with McClellan against Lincoln. 
c. Afterward became *' Peace " Democrats. 

(4) Copperheads. 

a. " Northern men with southern princi- 
ples." 
h. A\^here strongest : causes. 

c. How they hindered the war. 

d. Feeling toward them. 

2. General issues of campaign of 1862. 

(1) Really a choice between nationality and 

slavery. 
a. Majority of i)eople hardly conscious of 

this. 
/>. How it became the issue. 

(2) How the opposition stated the issue. 
a. An al)olition war. 

h. Administration deceiving the j^oople. 

3. Campaigns in various states. 

(1) Northern border states. 

(2) In the Empire state. 
1. Election results. 

(1) Immediate. 

a. Re}>ublicaiis defeated in five great states. 

b. New England reduces its majorities. 



106 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

c. Border states save the admiuistratioii 

and save the nation. Why they did. 

d. EepubUcan majority in house of repre- 

sentatives reduced to about 20. 
(2) Indirect effects. 

a. Emboldened opposition to the war. 

b. Talk of foreign mediation. 

References 

Arnold's History of Lincoln and the Overthrow of Slavery, 
214-230. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 313-346, 415-445. 
Morse's Abraham Lincoln, ii. 95-133. Nicolay and Hay's Abra- 
ham Lincoln, iv. 64-108, 370-384 ; vii. 361-368. 

The Year 1863 

1. Depression of the North in spring of 1863. 

(1) Extent and causes. 

(2) Effects. 

a. Growing desire for peace. 

b. Increase of organized opposition. 

2. Case of Vallandigham. 

(1) His opposition in congress. 

(2) Speech at Mt. Vernon, Ohio. 

a. Occasion. 

b. Nature and effects. 

(3) Arrest, trial, and sentence. 

(4) iVgitation for his release. (Document LII.) 

(5) Results. 

a. Nominated for governor of Ohio. 

b. x\ccepted leader of organized opposition 

to the war. 



VICKSBUKG AND GETTYSBURG 107 

3. Draft of 1863. 

(1) Nature of the law. 

(2) Necessity for the draft. 

(3) Opposition. 

4. New York riots, July 13, 1863. 

(1) Causes. 

(2) The riots aud their effects. 

Leading Military Events of 1863 

1. Capture of Vicksbu rg. 

(1) Significauce of the place. 

(2) Its defenses. 

(3) Some features of the attack and siege. 

(4) Surrender and its consequences. 

2. Operations in vicinity of Charleston. 

(1) Leading military events. 

(2) Leading naval events. 

3. Confederate sortie northward. 

(1) Causes. 

(2) Purpose of the campaign. 

(3) Condition and 2)Osition of the two armies. 

(4) Movements northward. 

(5) Battle of Gettysburg. 

a. Some of its features. 

b. Why it was fought. 

(6) Results. 

4. Army of the Cumberland. 

(1) Origin and relation to other armies. 

(2) Bragg's sortie into Kentucky in 1802. 



108 GiKOWTir OF NATIONALITY 

(3) Battle of diickainaiiga, Sept., 1863. 
a. C'ouneeting inoveineiits. 

h. The battle and i-esults. 

(4) Reoi'ganizatiou of forces in the AVest. 

(5) Siege of Chattanooga. 
a. Relative forces. 

h. Hooker's trooi)s transferred from the 
Rapidan. 

c. Longsti'eet sent to relieve Knoxville. 

d. Arrival of Grant ; sup})ly routes opened. 
' e. Sherman moves from A'icksburg to Chat- 
tanooga. 

/. Battle and its i-esults, Nov., 1863. 

(6) Sherman hastens to relieve Burnside at 

Knoxville. 

Keferoiices 
Aiulrews, ii. 130-186, 154-157. AilioUI's History of Lincoln 
and tli(3 Ovcrtlinnv of Shiveiy, 398-433. Bhiine's Twenty Years 
of Congress, i. 488-497. 509-513, Draper's History of the Civil 
AVar, iii. 25-103, 125-259. Greeley's American Conlliet, ii. 386- 
322, 367-640, 484-511. Harper's New 3Iontlily ]\Iagazine, xxvii: 
373-274,846-848. IMorse's Abraham Lincoln, ii. 134-199. Nicolay 
and Hay's Abrahan Lincoln, vii. 1-57, 112-395 ; viii. 43-188 ; bee 
Cent, .wxvii. .1888-1889): 917-932; xwviii.; 123-148.) 

The Financial Problem of tlio War 

1. Condition of treasury at opening of war. 

(1) Deficit in 1861. 

(2) Results. 

2. Early congressional expedients. 
(1) Small loans on short time. 



FINAX( lAL rrjor.LKMS 109 

(2) Why only pressing needs were met. 

3. Morrill tariff. 

(1) Purpose and nature. 

(2) Effects. 

4. Secretary Chase's report and action of congress. 

(1) Estimate for fiist fiscal year over .f'>00,- 

000,000. 

(2) Means for more revenue. 

(3) Results. 

a. Opposition among taxpayei's. 

h. Taxes were short .$30,000,000 at end of 

first year. 
c. Loans reached nearly $200,000,000 l)y 

Dec, 1S()1. 

5. Suspension of specie payment, 1S(M. 

(1) Immediate causes. 

(2) Results. 

(). Estahlishment of a national currency. 

(1) Causes of the legal tender act. 

(2) Spaulding s bill, Dec, 1861. 

a. $150,000,000 of treasury notes. 
h. Legal tender, except for duties on im- 
ports and interest on the public debt. 
c. Notes changeable into bonds. 

(3) Ai'guments against the l)ill. 

(4) Arguments for the bill. 

(5) Results. 

a. Worked so well that larger issues wei'e 
authorized. 



110 GKOWTIT OF NATIONALITY 

b. Revival in trade. 

c. Helped save elections of 1862. 

7. Internal revenue system. 

(1) Insufficiency of legal tender act. 

(2) Preceding acts of internal taxation. 

(3) Act of July, 1862. 

a. Hardly anything escaped. 

h. Raised almost $1,000,000 each day. 

c. Put credit of the nation on a safe hasis. 

8. National finances and state banks. 

(1) Attitude of state banks. 

(2) How legal tender act hastened national 

banking system. 

a. Greenbacks had become popular. 

b. National taxes required in legal tendei* 

paper. 

c. Tax collectors personally responsi])le for 

money dei)osited with banks. 

d. Bonds seemed to furnish a secure basis 

for tlie system. 

9. National banking system, Feb., 1863. 

(1) Introduced by Senator Sherman. 

(2) Leading points. 

a. Union notes of equal value. 

/>. National bonds deposited for re- 
demption of bank notes. 

c. Possible for state banks to become 
national banks. 



LINOOLN^S RENOMTNATION AND ELECTION 111 

(3) Opposition. 

(4) Results of the system. 
10. Cost of the war. 

(1) Above were mostly modes of carrying debts. 

(2) National del)t. 

(3) Debts of states. 

(4) Other expenditures. 
a. By organizations. 
h. By individuals. 

(5) Destruction of property. 
a. Directly by war. 

h. Indirectly by deranging trade and in- 
dustry. 

(6) Grand total indicates what patriotism Avas 

willing to pay for tlie Union. 

References 

Andrews, ii. 186-190. Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i, 
396-4S7. Draper's History of the American Civil War, ii. 549- 
576 ; iii. 491-497. Nicolay and Hay's A])rahain Lincoln, iii. 2o8- 
244; vi. 22:5-252; {see Cent, xxxvii. (1888-1889): 553-559.) 
Woodrow Wilson's Division and reunion, 229-221, 232-233 

Tlie Political Canipai^ii of 1864 

1. Questions involved and the attitude of factions. 

2. Republican 02)2)osition to }>resident. 

(1) Causes. 

(2) Danger. 

.'>. Chase's campaign for tlie nomination. 

(1) Logical leader of the radical element. 
Proof. 



112 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(2) Congressional committee to promote his 

canvass. 

(3) Why Chase withdrew. 

4. Cleveland convention. 

(1) Origin and leaders. 

(2) Purpose. 

(3) The convention itself. 

5. Renomination of Lincoln. (Document LTIT.) 

(1) Attitude of the people and how made 

known. 

(2) Baltimore convention and its work, June, 

1864. 

6. Chicago convention, August 29, 1864. 

(1) Postponement of meeting and reasons. 

(2) Effects on the Eepublicans. 

(3) Platform. (Document LIII.) 

(4) Candidates and McClellan's acceptance. 

(5) Vallandigham criticizes the candidate. 

7. The campaign and its parti zan bitterness. 

8. Result — immediate and remote. 

References 

Blaine's Twenty Years of Congress, i. 513-533. Draper's His- 
tory of the American Civil War, iii. 470-479. Greeley's Ameri- 
ean Conflict, ii. 054-677. Morse's Abraham Lincoln, ii, 346-315. 
W\co\ay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, viii. 309-325 ; ix. 29-127, 
244-262, 351-384 ; (see Cent, xxxviii. (1889) ; 278-298, 406-426, 
546-551, 692-703.) 

Tlie Collapse of the Confederacy. (Document LIV.) 
1. Lieutenant-Gen eral Grant and his work. 

(1) Position created by congress, Feb., 1864. 



COLLAPSE OF THE CONFEDERACY 113 

(2) Strength of armies. 

(3) Leading events in Virginia and their re- 

snUs, May-March, 18G5. 
a. The Wilderness. 
6. Spottsylvania. 

c. The North Anna. 

d. Cold Harhor. 

e. Petersburg and Early's sortie. 
/. Siege of Richmond. 

2. Farragut in Mol)ile hay, Jan.-Aug., 1864. 
(1) Defenses of the confederates. 

- (2) Farragnt's fleet and flight. 
(3) Results. 

3. Sherman's campaigns. May, 1864-April, 1865. 

(1) Capture of Atlanta. 

a. Contributory events. 
h. Significance. 

(2) March to the sea ; purpose and eff^ects. 

(3) Hood's sortie. 

a. Causes and purpose. 
h. Battles of Frauklin and Nashville. 
c. Hood's disastrous retreat and its mean- 
ing. 

(4) Sherman's return througli the Carolinas. 

4. Last movements, March-April, 1865. 
(1) Purpose of Lee. 

a. To evacuate Riclnnond. 
h. To join General Johnston. 



114 GKOWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(3) Purpose of Grant. 
(3) Leading events. 

a. Battles around Eichmond. 

h. General assault on Lee's lines. 

c. Evacuation of Richmond. 

5. Appomattox. 

(1) Terms of surrender and their significance. 

(2) The surrender. 

a. Some scenes and their significance. 
h. Effects. 

6. Johnston's surrender to Sherman. 

(1) First meeting. 

(2) Delay and arrangements repudiated l)y 

the authorities. 

(3) Final arrangements. 

7. Assassination of Lincoln and Grand Review. 

References 

Draper's History of the American Civil War, iii. 264-417, 521- 
634. Greeley's Americaii Conflict, ii. 562-508, 625-684, 677-759. 
Nicholay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, viii. 326-407 ; ix. 1-28, 
158-183, 222-243, 263-331, 403-435, 464-496; x. 1-37, 148-303. 

All Inside Yiew of the Confederacy 

1. Started with advantages. 

(1) Organization completed hefore Lincoln's 

inaugural. 

(2) Militia organized in 1860 and early in 

186L 

(3) Early favorable impression on France and 

England. 



INSIDK THIi: OONFEDERAC^Y 115 

2. Comj^elled to abandon state sovereignty. 

3. Confederate congress a committee of public 

safety. 

(1) Held secret sessions ; advantages and dan- 

gers. 

(2) Seized telegrapb lines early in war. 

(3) Banished alien enemies and confiscated 

their property. 

(4) First conscription, April, 1862 ; signifi- 

cance. 

(5) Voted to sustain Davis' retaliator}^ meas- 

ures. 

(6) Davis vetoed more bills of the provisional 

congress than all the jjresidents from 
Washington to Lincoln. 

(7) The "Debating Society on Capitol Hill ". 

4. Suppression of public opinion. 

(1) Slaveholders always resented criticism. 

(2) Anti-secession sentiment early suppressed. 

(3) Imprisonment without trial of suspected 

2)ersons. 

5. Financial depression. 

(1) Bonds at first in London sold before Union 

bonds. 

(2) Currency fell from $120 in 1861 to $6000 

in 1865. 

6. Military exhaustion and decay of mihtary 

spirit. 



116 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(1) Conscription again, July, 1863, l)etween 18 

and 45. 

(2) Davis appeals to women for aid in filling 

up ranks. 

(3) Dec, 1863, another conscription, 18 to 55, 

under pain of desertion. 

(4) Secretary of war reported from one-third 

to one-quarter of men absent. 

(5) Dec, 1863, substitutes refused. 

(6) Feb., 1865, all the men must serve in army 

or raise supplies. 

(7) Again in 1865 all men between 17 and 55 

liable to service. 

(8) 60,000 Virginians were deserters. 

(9) Driven to propose arming negroes ; signifi- 

cance. 

7. Condition of the armies at surrender. 

8. Who deceived the people of the South. 

(1) Work of the clergy. 

(2) Davis and the politicians. 

(3) Work and responsi])ility of the press. 

Kelereiiees 

Draper's Civil War in America, iii. 479-490. Nieolay and 
Hay's Aln-aham Lincoln, x. 148-157. Pollard's Lost Cause, 
ch. 42. 

The Recoiistruclion of the Soiitli 

1. The constiiuiioiial question. 

(1) What is tl 10 real nature of the American 
union ? 



RECOXSTRUCTrON 117 

(2) Attitude of men and parties. 

2. Creation of West Virginia. 

(1) Ancient feud between tlie parts of the Old 

Dominion. 

(2) Circumstances attending the split. 

(3) Admission of West Virginia ; significance. 

3. Lincoln's ideas of reconstruction. 

(1) ''The union of these states is perpetual, 

hence 

a. No state . . can lawfully get out of 

the Union." 

b. The rights of the citizens of states in 

rebellion were not revoked but oidy 
interfered Avith. 

c. When the insurrection ceases, all loyal 

citizens resume their former rights 
and privileges. 

(2) Military governors. 

(3) Proclamation of amnesty, Dec, 18G3. 

4. Opposition to the president's })lan. 

(2) Causes, fundamental and particular. 

(2) Bill passed by congress, July, 1864. 

(3) The pocket veto ; reasons and efiects. 

5. 13tli amendment. 

(1) Nature and necessity. 

(2) Opposition and defeat, June, 1864. 

(3) An issue in the })rcsidential campaign. 

(4) Eeintroduction and passage by aid of 

Democratic votes. 



118 GROWTH OF NATIONALITY 

(5) Scenes in congress and at the White House. 

6. President Jolinson's work during tlie recess of 

congress. 

(1) PrincijJe of his pohcy. 

(2) AVork during summer and fall of 1865. 

a. An amnesty proclamation. 

b. Appointed provisional governors. 

c. Senators and representatives elected. 

7. Legislation of the reconstructed states. 
(1) Laws affecting the negroes. 

a. Labor contracts. 

b. Vagrancy. 

c. Apprentice system for minors. 

d. Written contracts or the license system. 

(3) Causes and effects. 

8. Breach between congress and the president. 

(1) Causes. 

(2) Congressional retaliation. 

9. Congressional reconstruction. 

(1) 14th amendment. 

(2) Tenure of Office Act, and act to augment 

Grant's authority. 

(3) Great Reconstruction Act, March, 1867. 

(4) loth amendment; nature, purpose and 

effects, 1870. 

(5) Freedmcn's bureau. 

a. Ori<:2:in and nature. 

b. Work and its effects. 



<;'Ai;i'KT-i*.A<a;i]i;s and kuklux 119 

10. EHccls of coiigre.s.sioiuil reconstruction. 

(1) Inipcaclinient of President Johnson. 

(2) '' airpet-baggcrs ". (Document LV.) 

(3) Kuklux Klan. (Document LV.) 

(4) Conflicts between national and state autlior- 

ities. 

(5) Unsolved problems. 

Kefereiiccs 

Barnes' History of the 89tb Coiit^ress. Johnston's l^L'i)resenta- 
tive Orations, 249-323. Letters rehiting- to theKlux Khm iii. {sec 
U. S. — House. 40th cong. 3d sess. Misc. (loci. No. 23). Morse's 
Abraham Lincoln, ii. 216-245, 316-328. Nicolay and Hay's 
Abraham Lincoln. Woodrow Wilson's Division and Keunion, 
254-272. 



General Suggestions for Study 

1. Purpose of these documents. 

(1) To make clear to the student the contin- 
uity in the growth of American political ideas. 

(2) To show what ideas dominated and char- 
acterized the various periods or phases of our 
political history. 

(3) To impress the student that history pre- 
sents problems for solution, and that these may 
be stated and solved with a greater degree of 
certainty than is generally believed. 

(-i) To create a desire to know history at first 
hand. 

2. How to use the documents. 

(1) Both the events indicated in the outline 
and the documents in this collection are means 
and not ends. They furnish the key to the life 
of the American people. They yield their results 
most readily and most richly when studied to- 
gether. They should not be divorced ; but each 
made to contribute to the understanding of the 

other. 

(2) The questions and suggestions attached 
to the documents do not exhaust the possibilities, 
but are mainly aimed to lead the student into the 
heart of the document's meaning at once. They 
are not intended to lead to a study of the document 

1 Jl 



122 GENERAL SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY 

as a document, but to study the history in the 
document— get its content. 

(3) The teacher must see that the student 
keeps up a constant comparison and contrast be- 
tween the ideas presented in the various docu- 
ments. The differences discovered will mark the 
progress in the growth of political ideas, while the 
resemblances will show the continuity of growth. 

(4) Mastery of ideas and not of language 
should be the rule. In a few instances the 
student may be encouraged to learn the phrase- 
ology of portions of a document. 

3. Where other original matter may be found. 

(1) In government publications from the 
American Archives down to the Congressional 
Record. 

(2) In the historical collections of various 
State Historical Societies. 

(3) In the works of various notable men. 

(I) The Old South Leaflets, of which the 
following are ready : 

No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The 
Articles of Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independ- 
ence. 4. Washington's Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 
6. Vane's "Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts 
Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638. 9. 
Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. 

11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 

12. The Federalist, Nos. 1 and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 
14. The Constitution of Ohio.i 15. Washington's Circular 

1 Double number, i^riee 10 cents. 



GENERAL SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY 123 

Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 16. Washmgton's 
Letter to Benjamm Harrison, 1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage. 
18. The Swiss Constitution.' 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 
20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Narra- 
tive, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative, 1762. 23. The Petition 
of Right, 1628. 24. The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. 25. 
The Scottish National Covenant, 1638. 26. The Agreement of 
the People, 1648-9. 27. The Instrument of Government, 1653. 
28. Cromwell's First Speech, 1653. 29. The Discovery of 
America, from the Life of Columbus by his Son, Ferdinand 
Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geograph5^ 31. The 
Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. 
Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's 
Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First Voyage and 
Discovery. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. 
The Death of De Soto, from the '• Narrative of a Gentleman of 
Elvas." 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. 
Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. 39. De Vaca's 
Account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535. 40. Manasseh 
Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washington's Journal 
of his Tour to tlie Ohio, 1770. 42. Garfield's Address on the 
North-west Territory and the Western Reserve. 43. George 
Rogers Clark's Account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779. 
44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. 
Fremont's Account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 46. 
Father Marquette at Chicago, 1673. 47. Washington's Ac- 
count of the Army at Cambridge, 1775. 48. Bradford's 
Memoir of Elder Brewster. 49. Bradford's First Dialogue. 
50. Winthrop's "Conclusions for the Plantation in New 
England." 51. "New England's First Fruits," 1643. 52. 
John Eliot's "Indian Grammar Begun." 53. John Cotton's 
" God's Promise to his Plantation." 54. Letters of Roger 
Williams to Winthrop. 55. Thomas Hooker's "Way of the 
Churches of New England." {Address Directors, Old South 
Meeting House, Boston.) 

1 Double number, price 10 cents. 



124 GENERAL SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY 



(5) American History Leaflets, of which the 
following are ready : 

1. — The Letter of Columbus to Santangel announcing his 

Discovery. 
2.— The Ostend Manifesto. 1854. 
3. — Extracts from the Sagas describing tlie Voyages to 

Vinland. 
4. — Extracts from Ofiticial Declarations of the United States 
embodying the Monroe Doctrine. 1789-1891. 

[Double number. 
5. — Extracts from the Treaty of Paris of 1703, with the 

King's Proclamation. 
6. — Extracts from papers relating to the Bering Sea Contro- 
versy. 1824-1891. 
7. — Articles and Ordinances of the Confederation of New 

England. 1G43-1684. 
8. — Exact Text of the Constitution of the United States. 

1787-1870. 
9. — Papers relating to the Voyages of John Cabot. 1497-1498. 
10. — Gov. McDutiie's Message on the Slavery Question. 1835. 
11. — Jefferson's Proposed Instructions to the Virginia Delega- 
tion. 1774. [Double number. 
12. — Ordinances and other Papers relating to Secession. 

1860-1861. 
13. — Coronado's Journey to New Mexico and the Great Plains. 

1540-42. 
14.— The Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions. 1798-99. 
15. — Documents illustrating the Territorial Development of 

the United States. 
16. — Appeal of the Independent Democrats. 1854. 
17.— Plans of Union. 1690-1776. 
18. — President Lincoln's Inaugurals. 1861-1865. 
19. — Extracts from the Navigation Laws. 1646-1700 
20.— Articles of Confederation and PreUminary Documents. 
1776-1781. 



GENERAL SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDY 125 

2'L — Documents relative to the Stamp Act. 1765-17C6. 

22. — Documents illustrating State Land Claims and Cessions. 

1776-1802. 
23.— Extracts from the Dred-Scott Decision. 1857. 
24.— Documents relative to the Bank Controversy. 1829-1833. 

Address, Lovell & Co. , New York. 



126 Colonial documents 



Colonial Documents 
I. 

TREATY BETWEEN VIRGINIA AND THE COMMON- 
WEALTH 

(American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I, p. 339.) 

^'Ist. The Plantation of Virginia, and all the 
inhabitants thereof, shall be and remain in due 
subjection to the Commonwealth of England; 
not as a conquered country, but as a country 
submitting by their own voluntary act : and 
shall enjoy such freedoms and privileges as be- 
long to the free people of England. 

'^2d. The General Assembly, as formerly, shall 
convene and transact the affairs of the colony. 

'^3d. The people of F^rgfmza shall have a free 
trade, as the people of England, to all places, 
and all nations. 

'' 4:th. Virginia shall be free from all taxes, 
customs, and impositions whatsoever, and none 
shall be imposed on them, witliout the consent 
of their General Assembly ; and that neither 
forts nor castles shall be erected, nor garrisons 
maintained, without their consent. 



VIRGINIA 127 

Suggestions for Study. 

1 The position of Virginia in relation to 
England, and of Virginians as compared with 
Englishmen. Significance. 

2 What is the general and particular mean- 
ing of sections 2 and 3 ? 

3 Does section i indicate gain or loss ? Prove. 



II. 

bacon's declaration in the name of the peo- 
ple (1676) 

(Massachusetts Historical Collections, Fourth Series, Vol. IX. 

p. 184.) 

For having upon specious pretenses of public 
works raised great unjust taxes upon the com- 
monalty for the advancement of private favor- 
ites and other sinister ends, but no visible effects 
in any measure adequate. For not having dur- 
ing this long time of his government . . . ad- 
vanced this hopeful colony either by fortifica- 
tions, towns or trade. 

For having abused and rendered contemptible 
the magistrates of justice by advancing to 
places of judicature, scandalous and ignorant 
favorites. 

For having wronged his majesty's pregorative 



128 COLONIAL DOCUMENTS 

and interest by assuming a monopoly of the 
beaver trade. 

For having protected and emboldened the 
Indians against his majesty's loyal subjects. 

For having, when the army of the English was 
just upon the track of those Indians . . . sent 
back our army. . . . 

For having with only the privacy of some few 
favorites, without acquainting the people, . . . 
forged a commission . . . for the raising and ef- 
fecting civil war. . . . 

Of this and the aforesaid we accuse Sir William 
Berkeley as guilty of every one of the same. . . 

Nath. Bacon, 
General by consent of the People. 

Topics for Study. 

1 Make a list of the offenses charged against 
Berkley. 

2 What relation did these bear to Bacon's 
rebellion ? 

3 What is implied in the attitude of Bacon 
and his men ? 



MASSACHUSETTS 129 



III. 



EXTRACTS FROM THE BODY OF LIBERTIES, 1641 

(Massachusetts Historical Collections, Fourth Series, Vol. YIII, 
p. 216-237.) 

No man's life shall be taken away, no man's 
honor or good name shall be stained, no man shall 
be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered 
. . . no man's goods or estate shall be taken 
away from him . . . unless it be by virtue or 
equity of some express law . . . established by 
a general court and sufficiently published, or in 
case of the defect of a law in any particular case 
by the word of God. . . 

Every person within this jurisdiction, whether 
inhabitant or foreignor, shall enjoy the same 
justice and law . . . which we constitute and ex- 
ecute one toward another without partiality or 
delay. . . . 

No monopolies shall be granted . . . but of 
such new institutions that are profitable to the 
country, and that for a short time. . . . 

Every man whether inhabitant or foreigner, 
free or not free, shall have liberty to come to any 
public court, council or town meeting, and either 
by speech or writing to move any lawful . . . 
question or to present any necessary motion . . . 
or information. 
9 



130 COLOlSriAL DOCUMENTS 

Every man of or within this jurisdiction shall 
have free liberty, notwithstanding any civil 
power, to remove both himself, and his family 
. . . out of the same. . . . 

No man's person shall be restrained or im- 
prisoned by any authority whatsoever, before the 
law hath sentenced him thereto, if he can put in 
sufficient security . . . unless it be in crimes cap- 
ital and contempts in open court. . . . 

In all actions at law it shall be the liberty of 
the plaintiff and defendent by mutual consent 
to choose whether they will be tried by the bench 
or jury. ... It shall be in the libert}^ of both 
... to challenge any of the jurors. 

No man's person shall be arrested or imprisoned 
. . . for any debt or fine, if the law can find ... 
satisfaction from his estate. 

No man shall be twice sentenced by civil justice 
for one and the same crime, offence or trespass. 

All jurors shall be chosen continually b}^ the 
freemen of the town where they dwell. 

Civil authority hath power ... to deal with 
any church member in a way of civil justice, 
notwithstanding any church relation, office or 
interest. 

No church censure shall degrade or depose any 
man from any civil dignity, office, or authority 
he shall have in the commonwealth. 

Freemen of every township shall have power 
to make such laws and constructions as may con- 



MASSACHUSETTS 131 

cern the welfare of their town, provided that they 
be not of a criminal . . . nature . . . and that 
they be not repugnant to the public laws and 
orders of the country. 

It is the constant liberty of the freemen of this 
plantation to choose yearly at the court of election 
all the general officers of this jurisdiction. . . . 
It is the liberty of the freemen to choose such 
deputies for the general court out of themselves, 
either in their own towns or elsewhere as they 
judge fittest. 

If any man at his death shall not leave his wife 
a competent portion of his estate, upon just com- 
plaint made to the general court she shall be re- 
lieved. 

When parents die intestate, the elder son shall 
have a double portion of his whole estate . . . 
unless the general court . . . shall judge other- 
wise. 

All people of God within the jurisdiction who 
are not in a church way, and be orthodox in 
judgment, and not scandalous in life, shall have 
full liberty to gather themselves into a church 
estate. 

Topics for Study. 

1. Make a classification of the subjects included 
in above extracts. 

2. Which of the above extracts embody ideas 
now operating in our government ? 



132 COLONIAL DOCUMENTS 

3. What ideas above are not found in our sys- 
tem of government ? Inferences. 



IV. 

SAMUEL SHATTOCK'S LETTER (IGGl) 

(Massachusetts Historical Collection, Fourth Series, Vol. IX, 
pp. 160-162, 

. . . When we came into Boston harbor many 
came on ship-board for news and letters ; but 
were struck in amaze when they saw what we 
were. ... So I continued on ship-board . . . Ex- 
pecting we might be sent for and finding other- 
wise, the master and myself fitted ourselves to 
go on shore to deliver our letter ^ to the gover- 
nor. . . . The moderate sort . . . rejoiced to see 
me and some of the violent we met as men 
chained and bowed down, and could not look us 
in the face . . . we passed to the governor . 
. . ; so he required our hats to be pulled off, . . . 
had a few words to us, only asked me why I 
came again and why I did not send for my fami- 
ly. .. . We went on shore and were at a meet- 
ing. . . . On the morrow I passed to Salem 

^ Letter of Chas. II. commanding further proceeding against 
Quakers to cease. 



MASSACHUSETTS 133 

where I was received with much joy and gladness 
of heart by many of the people of the town. 
And many friends did accompany me ... to my 
dwelling where I found things all well. . . . And 
though cruelty hath greatly abounded, yet truth 
hath here gotten pretty much ground of the ad- 
versary ; and the coming of our ship is of wonder- 
ful service, for the bowels of the moderate sort 
are greatly refreshed, . . . and many mouths 
are now open . . . and some say it's the welcom- 
est ship that ever came into this land. . . . 

Topics for Study. 

1. What light does this letter throw on the 
Quaker controversy in Massachusetts ? 

2. What change in feeling toward the Quakers 
has taken place ? What is the significance of 
this? 

3. Why should Shattock take such pains to 
state just how he was received ? 



V. 

COMMERCE OF THE COLONIES IN 1Y50 

(From Sheldon's American History.) 

In the Southern Colonies. — (Charleston, S. C) 
. . . They have a considerable trade both to 
Europe and the West Indies, whereby they be- 



134 COLONIAL DOCUMENTS 

come rich. . . . The merchants of CaroHna are 
fair, frank traders. The gentlemen seated in the 
country are very courteous, Uve very noble in 
their houses, and give very genteel entertain- 
ment to all strangers and others that come to 
visit them. 

The trade of Virginia . . . is . . . extensive. 
Tobacco is the principal article of it. . . . They 
ship also for the Madeiras, the Straihts (Gib- 
raltar) and the West Indies, . . . grain, pork, 
lumber and cider; to Great Britain, bar-iron; . . . 
They think it a hardship not to have an un- 
limited trade to every part of the world. 

In the Middle Colonies. The trade of Penn- 
sylvania is surjirisingly extensive, carried on to 
Great Britain, the Madeiras, Lisbon, Cadiz, Hol- 
land, Africa, and the Spanish Main ; . . . Their 
exports are provisions of all kinds, lumber, hemp, 
flax, iron, furs, and deerskins. . . . The Ger- 
mantown thread stockings are in high estima- 
tion ; the Irish settlers make very good linens, 
there are several other manufactures, ( such as ) 
of beaver hats, . . . superior in goodness to any 
in Europe. 

The Pennsylvanians . . . are great republi- 
cans, and have fallen into the same errors in 
their ideas of independency as most of the other 
colonies. . . . However they are quiet, and con- 
cern themselves but little, except about getting 
money. . . , 



COLONIAL COMMERCE 135 

New York. . . . They export chiefly grain, 
flour, pork, skins, furs, pig-iron, lumber and 
staves. . . . They also, as well as the Pennsyl- 
vanians, had erected several slitting mills to 
make nails, etc. But this is now prohibited (by 
parliament and they are exceedingly dissatisfied 
at it.) 

The inhabitants . . . have a considerable trade 
with the Indians, for beavers, otter, raccoon skins, 
with other furs, and are supplied with venison 
and food in the winter and fish in the summer 
by the Indians, which they buy at an easy 
rate. . . . 

In New England In Rhode Island . . . they 

trade to Great Britain, Holland, Africa, the 
West Indies, and the neighboring colonies ; 
from Great Britain, (they import) dry goods ; 
from Holland, money; from Africa, slaves; from 
the West Indies, sugar, coffee and molasses; and 
from the neighboring colonies, lumber and pro- 
visions, and with what they purchase in one place 
they . . . (pay) in another. Thus, with the 
money they get in Holland, they pay their mer- 
chants in London; the sugars they get in the 
West Indies, they carry to Holland; the slaves 
they fetch from Africa they send to the West 
Indies, together with lumber and provisions; the 
rum that they distil they export to Africa; and 
with the dry goods which they purchase in Lon- 
don they traffic in the neighboring colonies. By 



136 COLONIAL DOCUMENTS 

this kind of circular commerce they subsist and 
grow rich. 

(Those of Massachusetts) carry on a consider- 
able traffic, chiefly in the manner of the Ehode 
Islanders, (exporting) salt fish and vessels. Of 
the latter they build annually a great number 
and send them, laden with cargoes of the former, 
to Great Britain, where they sell them. 



VI. 

RESTRICTIONS UPON COLONIAL COMMERCE 

(Navigation Act of 1660.) 

For the increase of shipping and the encourage- 
ment of the navigation of this nation, ... be 
it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty 
and by the Lords and Commons . . . that . . . 
no goods or commodities whatsoever shall be 
imported into or exported out of any lands . . . 
to his majesty belonging ... in any other ship 
... or vessels whatsoever, but in such ships or 
vessels as do truly . . . belong only to the people 
of England ... or are built of, and belonging to 
any of the said lands ... as the proprietors . . . 
and whereof the master and three-fourths of the 
mariners at least are English under the penalty 
of the forfeiture and loss of all the goods and 
commodities. (American History Leaflets, No. 
19.) 



COLONIAL COMMERCE 137 

(The Third Navigation Act 1672.) 

... Be it enacted by the king's most excellent 
majesty . . . that . . . if any ship or vessel which 
by law may trade in any of your majesty's planta- 
tions shall come to any of them to ship and take 
on board any of the aforesaid commodities and . . . 
bond shall not be first given ... to bring the 
same to England . . . and to no other place and 
there to unload and put the same on shore, ... 
there shall be . . . paid to your majesty ... so 
much of said commodities (according to) these 
following rates. . . . 

Sugar, white, 112 lbs., five shillings. 

Brown sugar, 112 lbs., one shilHng and sixpence. 

Tobacco, the pound, one penny. 

Cotton-wool, the pound, one half -penny. 

Indigo, the pound, twopence. 

Ginger, 112 lbs., one shilling. 

Logwood, 112 lbs., five pounds. 

All other dyeing wood, the 112 lbs., sixpence. 

... to be levied collected and paid to such col- 
lectors ... as shall be appointed in the respective 
plantation . . . before the landing thereof . . . 
(American History Leaflets, No. 19.) 

(The Act of 1699.) 
Forasmuch as wool and woolen manufactures of 
cloth . . . are the greatest and most profitable 
commodities of this kingdom, on which the . . . 
trade of the nation do (es) chiefly depend, and 
whereas great quantities of the like manufactures 



138 COLONIAL DOCUMENTS 

have of late been made ... in the English plan- 
tations in America and are exported from thence 
to foreign markets, heretofore supplied from 
England, which will . . . tend to the ruin of the 
woolen manufacture of this realm. . . . (There- 
fore) be it enacted by the king's most excellent 
majesty . . . that ... no wool, woolen yarn, 
cloth, ... or woolen manufactures whatsoever 
of any of the English plantations of America 
shall be laden ... in any ship upon any pretence 
whatsoever ; as likewise that no such wool shall be 
laden upon horse, cart, or other carriage ... to 
be exported . . . out of the said English planta- 
tions to any of the other of the said plantations 
or to any place whatsoever. (From Sheldon's 
American History.) 

(The Act of 1732.) 

Whereas, the art and mystery of making hats 
in Great Britain hath arrived to great perfection, 
and . . . his majesty's plantations in America 
have been wholly supplied with hats from Great 
Britain ; and whereas great quantities of hats 
have of late years been made ... in America 
. . . wherefore, for preventing the said ill prac- 
tices for the future, and for promoting . . . the 
trade of making hats in Great Britain, be it 
enacted . . . that ... no hats (shall hereafter 
be made in America). (From Sheldon's Ameiican 
History.) 



Documents on Period of the Revolution 



VII. 

JAMES OTIS ON THE WRITS OF ASSISTANCE 

(From Tudor' s Otis.) 

I was desired by one of the court to look into 
the books, and consider the question now before 
them concerning the writs of assistance. And I 
take this opportunity to declare, that, whether 
under fee or not, I will to my dying day oppose 
with all the powers and faculties God has given 
me, all sucli instruments of slavery on the one 
hand, and villainy on the other, as this writ of 
assistance is. 

It appears to me the worst instrument of arbi- 
trary power, the most destructive of English 
liberty and tlie fundamental principles of law, 
that was ever found in an English law book. 

I was solicited to argue this cause as Advocate- 
general ; and because I would not, I have been 
charged with desertion from my office. I re- 
nounced that office, and I argue this cause from 
i?he same principle ; and I argue it with the greater 
pleasure, as it is in favor of English liberty ; . . . 
and it is in opposition to a kind of power, the 

139 



140 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

exercise of which. . . . cost one king of England 
his head and another his throne. 

Our ancestors as British suhjects, and we, their 
descendants, as British subjects, were entitled to 
all those rights by the British constitution, as well 
as by the law of nature, and our provincial 
charters, as much as any inhabitant of London or 
Bristol, or any part of England ; and were not 
to be cheated out of them by any phantom of 
'virtual representation,' or any other fiction of 
law or politics. 

Your honors will find in the old books concern- 
ing the office of a justice of the peace precedents 
of general warrants to search suspected houses. 
But, in more modern books, you will find only 
special warrants to search such and such houses, 
specially named, in which the complainant has 
before sworn that he suspects his goods are con- 
cealed ; and will find it adjudged that special 
warrants only are legal ... I rely on it that 
the writ being prayed for in this petition, being 
general, is illegal. It is a power that places the 
the liberty of every man in the hands of every 
petty officer. 

But I deny that the writ now prayed for can be 
granted. ... In the first place, the writ is uni- 
versal, being directed to all ' and singular justices, 
sheriffs, constables, and all other officers and 
subjects ; ' so that in short it is directed to 
every subject in the king's dominions. Every 



WRITS OF ASSISTANCE. I4l 

one with this writ may he a tyrant in a legal 
manner, also may control, imprison, or murder 
any one within the realm. In the next place it is 
perpetual ; there is no return. A man is account- 
able to no person for his doings. ... In the third 
place, a person with this writ in the daytime may 
enter all houses, shops, etc. at will and command 
all to assist him. Fourthly, by this writ not only 
deputies, etc. but even their menial servants, are 
allowed to lord it over us. . . . Now, one of the 
most essential branches of English liberty is the 
freedom of one's house. A man's house is his 
castle ; and whilst he is quiet is as well guarded 
as a prince in his castle. This writ . . . would 
totally annihilate this privilege. Custom-house 
officers may enter our houses when they please ; 
we are commanded to permit their entry. Their 
menial servants may enter, may break locks, 
bars, and everything in their way ; and whether 
they break through malice or revenge, no man, 
no court can inquire. Bare suspicion without 
oath is sufficient. 

I will mention some facts. Mr. Pew had one 
of these writs, and, when Mr. Ware succeeded 
him, he indorsed this writ over to Mr. Ware ; so 
that these writs are negotiable from one officer to 
another. Another instance is this : Mr. Justice 
Walley had called this same Mr. Ware before him 
by a constable to answer for breach of the Sab- 
bath day. ... As soon as he had finished, Mr. 



142 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

Ware asked him if he had done. He replied, 
' Yes. ' ' Well then, ' said Mr. Ware, ' I will show 
you a little of my power. I command you to 
permit me to search your house for uncustomed 
goods ; ' and went on to search the house from 
the garret to the cellar, and he served the con- 
stable in the same manner. 

But to show another absurdity of this writ, I 
insist upon it that every person b}^ the l^th of 
Charles the Second, has this power as well as the 
custom-houses officers. The words are, ^^ It shall 
be lawful for any person," etc. What a scene 
does this open ! Every man prompted by revenge, 
ill humor, or wantonness, to insjDect the inside of 
his neighbor's house, may get a writ of assist- 
ance. Others will ask for it from self-defense ; 
one arbitrary exertion will provoke another, until 
society be involved in tumult and blood. 

(The court pronounced the following opinion. 
'' The court has considered the subject of writs of 
assistance, and can see no foundation for such a 
writ, but as the practice in England is not known, 
it has been thought best to continue the question 
to the next term.") 

(Of this speech John Adams said : ^' I do say in 
the most solemn manner that Mr. Otis's oration 
against writs of assistance breathed into this 
nation the breath of life.") 



THE STAMP ACT 148 

Topics for Papers. 

Guard against making inferences that are not warranted by 
the facts given. This apphes to tlie study of any document. 

1 State the arguments given. 

2 Do they prove the writs unconstitutional ? 

3 What right was guarded hy a special writ 
that the general writ violated ? 

4 Did Otis prove or simply assert that Ameri- 
cans were entitled to all the rights of British 
suhjects ? 

5 What is the ^' key-note " of this speech ? 



VIII. 

PATRICK henry's RESOLUTIONS (1765) 
(Frothingham's Ropuljlic, ISO.) 

Whereas the honorahle house of commons, in 
England, have of late drawn into question how 
far the general assemhly of this colony liatli 
power to enact laws for laying of taxes and im- 
posing duties, payahle hy the people of this his 
majesty's most ancient colony : for settling and 
ascertaining the same to all future times, the 
house of hurgesses of tliis present general assem- 
hly have come to tlie following resolves : — 

Resolved, That the first adventurers, settlers 
of this His Majesty's colony and dominions of 



144 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to 
their posterity, and all other His Majesty's sub- 
jects since inhabiting in this His Majesty's colony, 
all the privileges and immunities that have at 
any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the 
people of Great Britain. 

Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted 
by King James the First, the colony aforesaid 
are declared and entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of natural-born subjects, to all intents 
and purposes as if they had been abiding and 
born within the realm of England. 

Resolved, That His Majesty's liege people of 
this his ancient colony have enjoyed the right of 
being thus governed by their own assembly in 
the article of taxes and internal police, and that 
the same have never been forfeited, or any other 
way yielded up, but have been constantly rec- 
ognized by the king and people of Britain. 

Resolved, therefore, That the general assembly 
of this colony, together with His Majesty or his 
substitutes, have, in their representative capac- 
ity, the only exclusive right and power to lay 
taxes and imposts upon the inhabitants of this 
colony ; and that every attempt to vest such 
power in any other person or persons whatever 
than the general assembly aforesaid, is illegal, 
unconstitutional and unjust, and have a manifest 
tendency to destroy British as well as American 
liberty. 



THE STAMP ACT 145 

Resolved, That His Majesty's liege people, the 
inhabitants of this colony, are not bound to yield 
obedience to any law or ordinance whatever, 
designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon 
them, other than the laws or ordinances of the 
general assembly aforesaid. 

Resolved, That any person who shall, by speak- 
ing or writing, assert or maintain that any person 
or persons other than the general assembly of 
this colony have any right or power to impose 
or lay any taxation on the people here, shall be 
deemed an enemy to His Majesty's colony. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Search out the rights of Virginia asserted. 

2 Do these rights belong to Virginia alone ? 
Proof. 

3 State on what grounds Virginia claims these 
rights i 

4 Find the points of resemblance and difference 
between these resolutions and the speech of Otis. 



IX. 

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS BY CONGRESS OF 1765 

The members of this congress, sincerely devoted, 
with the warmest sentiments of affection and 
duty, to His Majesty's person and government, 

lO 



146 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

inviolably attached to the present happy establish- 
ment of the protestant succession, and with 
minds deeply impressed by a sense of the present 
and impending misfortunes of the British colonies 
on this continent ; having considered as maturely 
as time will permit, the circumstances of the 
said colonies, esteem it our indispensable duty to 
make the following declarations of our humble 
opinion respecting the most essential rights and 
liberties of the colonists : 

1 That His Majesty's subjects in these colonies 
owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great 
Britain that is owing from his subjects born 
within the realm, and all due subordination to 
that august body, the parliament of Great Brit- 
ain. 

2 That His Majesty's liege subjects in these 
colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights 
and liberties of his natural born subjects within 
the kingdom of Great Britain. 

3 That it is inseparably essential to the freedom 
of a people, and the undoubted rights of English- 
men, that no taxes should be imposed on them, 
but w^ith their own consent given personally, or 
by their representatives. 

4 That the people of these colonies are not, 
and from their local circumstances, cannot be 
represented in the house of commons in Great 
Britain. 

5 That the only representatives of the people 



THE STAMP ACT 147 

of these colonies are persons chosen therein by 
themselves ; and that no taxes ever have been or 
can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by 
their respective legislatures. 

G That all supplies to the crown, being the free 
gifts of the people, it is unreasonable and incon- 
sistent with the principles and spirit of the Brit- 
ish constitution for the people of Great Britain 
to grant His Majesty the property of the colonists. 

7 1'liat trial by jury is the inherent and 
invaluable right of every British subject in these 
colonies. . . . 

8 Tbat it is tlie right of the British subjects 
in these colonies to jietition the king or either 
house of parliament. . . . 

Topics for Papers. 

1 How many and what rights asserted ? 

2 What reasons given for claiming these ? 

3 What relations do the people of the colonies 
hold to king and parliament ? 

4 How then can they claim the rights above 
named ? 

5 How did Englishmen look upon a tax ? See 
number 6. 

6 Discover the resemblances with the two pre- 
ceding documents, and draw conclusions. 



148 The right of England 



X. 

THE REPEAL OF THE STAMP ACT, 1766 
(From Parliamentary History.) 

Minister Granville said : ' ' When I proposed to 
tax America, I asked the house if any gentle- 
man would object to the right ; I repeatedly 
asked it, and no man would attempt to deny it. 
And tell me, when the Americans were emanci- 
pated ? When they want the protection of this 
kingdom, they are always very ready to ask it. 
That protection has always been afforded them 
in the fullest manner; and now they refuse to 
contribute their mite toward the public expenses. 
For let no gentlemen deceive themselves, with re- 
gard to the rigour of the tax ; it would not suf- 
fice even for the necessary expenses of the troops 
stationed in America : but ape^jj^er-corn in ac- 
knoivledgmentoftlierightis of more value than 
millions ivithout. . . . There was a time when 
they would not have proceeded thus; but they are 
now supported by the artifice of these young 
gentlemen; inflammatory petitions are handed 
about against us, and in their favor. Even with- 
in this house, in this sanctuary of the laws, sedi- 
tion has found its defenders. Resistance to the 
laws is applauded, obstinacy encouraged, diso- 
bedience extolled, rebellion pronounced a virtue. " 

US 



REPEAL OF STAMP ACT 149 

In reply, William Pitt said : ' ' Would to heav- 
en, that my health had permitted my attendance 
here, when it was proposed to tax America ! If 
my feeble voice should not have been able to 
avert the torrent of calamities which has fallen 
upon us, and the tempest which threatens us, at 
least my testimony would have attested that I 
had no part in them. It is now an act that has 
passed ; I would speak Avith decency of every act 
of this house, but I must beg the indulgence of 
the house to speak of it with freedom. There is 
an idea in some, that the Americans are virtually 
represented in this house ; but I would fain know 
by what province, county, city, or borough, they 
are represented here ? No doubt by some prov- 
ince, county, city, or borough, never seen or 
known by them or their ancestors, and which 
they never will see or know. The connnons of 
America, represented in their several assemblies, 
have ever been in possession of the exercise of 
this, their constitutional right, of giving and 
granting their own money. They would have 
been slaves if they had not enjoyed it. . . . And 
in our own times, even those who send no mem- 
bers to parliament, are all at least inhabitants of 
Great Britain. Many have it in their option to 
be actually represented. They have connections 
with those that elect, and they have influence 
over them. Would to heaven that all were ])et- 
ter represented than they are ! . . . I rejoice 



150 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN. 

that America has resisted. Three millions of 
people, so clea/l to all the feelings of liberty as vol- 
untarily to submit to be slaves, would have been 
fit instruments to make slaves of ourselves. . . . 
And shall a miserable financier come with a boast 
that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the exchequer 
to the loss of millions to the nation ! ... In such 
a cause, your success would be deplorable and 
victory hazardous. America, if she fell, would 
fall like a strong man. She would embrace the 
pillars of the state, and pull down the constitu- 
tion along with her. Is this your boasted peace ? 
. . . The Americans have not acted in all things 
with prudence and temper. They have been 
wronged. They have been driven to madness by 
injustice. Will you punish them for the mad- 
ness you have occasioned ? Kather let prudence 
and temper come first from the strongest side. 
Excuse their errors ; learn to honor their virtues. 
Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house 
what is really my opinion. I consider it most 
consistent with our dignity, most useful to our 
liberty, and in every respect the safest for this 
kingdom, that the stamp act be repealed, abso- 
lutely, totally and immediately. At the same 
time, let the sovereign authority . . . over the 
colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be 
devised. 



THE CIRCULAR LETTER 151 

Topics for Papers. 

1 State arguments used by both men. 

2 What " side-Hght " on the sentiment of par- 
Hament in Granville's statements ? 

3 Did the principle in the stamp act threaten 
the English constitution ? Prove your answer. 

1 How can you reconcile the last sentence of 
Pitt with the rest of his speech ? 



XI. 

MASSACHUSETTS CIRCULAR LETTER, 1768 
(From British and American Papers, 191-93.) 

From the house of Representatives of Mas- 
sachusetts unto the speakers of the respective 
houses of representatives and burgesses on the 
continent of North America. 

Sir: — - 

The house of representatives of this province 
have taken into their serious consideration the 
great difficulties that must accrue to themselves 
and their constituents by the operation of tbe 
several acts of parliament imposing duties and 
taxes on the American colonies. . . . They have 
no reason to doubt but that your house is deeply 
impressed with its importance, and that such 
constitutional measures will be come into as are 



152 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

proper. . . . All possible care should be taken 
that the representations of the several assemblies 
upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with 
each other : the house therefore hope that this 
letter will be candidly considered in no other 
light than as expressing a disposition freely to 
communicate their mind to a sister colony, upon 
a common concern, in the same manner as they 
would be glad to receive the sentiments of your, 
or any other house of representatives on the con- 
tinent. 

The house have humbly represented to the 
ministry their own sentiments: that His Majes- 
ty's high court of parliament is the supreme leg- 
islative power over the whole empire : that in a 
free state the constitution is fixed : and as the 
supreme legislative (body) derives its power and 
authority from the constitution, it cannot over- 
leap the bounds of it, without destroying its 
foundation : that the constitution ascertains 
and limits both sovereignty and allegiance: and 
therefore His Majesty's American subjects who 
acknowledge themselves bound by the ties of al- 
legiance, have an equitable claim to the full en- 
joyment of the fundamental rules of the British 
constitution: that it is an essential and unaltera- 
ble right in nature, ingrafted in the British con- 
stitution as a fundamental law, and ever held 
sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the 
realm, that what a man hath honestly acquired 



THE CIRCULAR LETTER 153 

is absolutely his own, which he may freely give 
but cannot l)e taken from him without his con- 
sent : that the American subjects may therefore, 
exclusive of any consideration of charter rights, 
with a decent firmness adapted to the character 
of freemen and subjects assert this natural con- 
stitutional right. It is moreover their humble 
opinion . . . that the acts . . . imposing duties 
on the people of this province . . . are infringe- 
ments of their natural and constitutional riglits, 
because . . . His Majesty's commons in Britain 
by those acts grant their property without their 
consent. 

This house further is of the opinion that their 
constituents . . . cannot by any possibility be 
represented in parliament ; and that it will be 
forever impracticable that they should be equally 
represented there, and consequently not at all : 
. . . that His Majesty's royal predecessors, for this 
reason, were graciously pleased to form a subordi- 
nate legislature here, that their subjects might 
enjoy the unalienable right of representation. 
Also that . . . this house think that a taxation 
of their constituents, even without their consent, 
grievous as it is, would be preferable to any rep- 
resentation that could be admitted for them 
there. . , . Were the right of parliament ever so 
clear, yet ... it would l)e beyond the rule of 
equity that their constituents should be taxed 
on the manufagtures of Great Britain here, in 



154 THE niGHTS OF EJiGLISHMEN 

addition to the duties they pay for them in Eng- 
land. . . 

They have also submitted to consideration, 
whether any people can he said to enjoy any de- 
gree of freedom, if the crown in addition to its 
undoubted authority of constituting a governor, 
should appoint him such a stipend as it shall judge 
proper without the consent of the people, and at 
their expense : and whether while the judges of 
the land, and other civil officers, hold not their 
commissions during good behavior, their having 
salaries appointed for them by the crown, inde- 
pendent of the people, hath not a tendency to 
subvert the principles of equity and endanger the 
happiness and security of the subject. 

. . . The house have written a letter to their 
agent . . . wherein they take notice of the hard- 
ship . . . which requires the governor and coun- 
cil to provide enumerated articles for the king's 
marching troops, and the people to pay the ex- 
pense : and also the commission of the gentlemen 
appointed commissioners of the customs to reside 
in America, which authorizes them to make "as 
many appointments as they think fit and to pay 
the appointees what sum they please. . . . 

This house is fully satisfied that your assembly 
is too generous and enlarged in sentiment to be- 
lieve that this letter proceeds from an ambition 
of taking the lead or of dictating to the other assem- 
blies : they freely submit their judgment to the 



THE CIRCULAr. LETTER 155 

opinion of others ; and shall take it kind in your 
house to point out to them anything further that 
may be thought necessary. 

This house cannot conchide without expressing 
their firm confidence in tlie king, our common 
head and father, that the united and dutiful sup- 
plications of his distressed American subjects will 
meet with his royal and favorable acceptance. 

RESPONSE OF THE COLONIES TO THE CIRCULAR 
LETTER 

Virginia: — They (burgesses) ai3plaud them 
(Massachusetts assembly) for their attention to 
American liberty. . . That they do not affect an 
independency of their parent kingdom. . . That 
their ancestors brought over with them entire and 
transmitted to their descendants the natural and 
constitutional rights they had enjoyed in their 
native country. . . To say that the commons of 
Great Britain have a right to impose internal taxes 
on the inhabitants of this continent, who are not and 
cannot be represented, is in effect to bid them pre- 
pare for a state of slavery. . . The act suspending 
the legislative power of New York, they consider as 
still more alarming to the colonies, though it has 
that single province in view. If the parliament 
can compel them to furnish a single article to the 
troops sent over, they may, by the same rule, 
oblige them to furnish clothes, arms and every 



156 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

other necessary, even the pay of the officers and 
soldiers— a doctrine replete with every mischief, 
and utterly subversive of all that is dear and 
valuable. (May 9, 1768.) 

Georgia : — The speaker replied in effect that 
the governor had prorogued the assembly till 
November. Hence he cannot officially convey the 
sentiments of the assembly, but that when it 
meets he says that he is ' ' assured such measures 
will be pursued in consequence thereof as will 
manifest their regard for constitutional liberty, 
and their respect for the house of representatives 
of the province of Massachusetts Bay, whose wise 
and spirited conduct is so justly admired." (June 
15, 1768.) 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Feeling toward king and reasons for it. 

2 Feeling toward other colonies. 

3 Rights asserted. Which are new ? 

4 Relation between sovereignty and allegiance. 

5 Colonial representation in parliament. 

6 Sentiments of the responses. What conclu- 
sions ? 



THE TEA PARTY 157 

XII. 
BOSTON TEA PARTY, 1TT3 

1 Arrival of the tea. 

The tea arrived on Sunday ; on Monday morn- 
ing this hand bill was found posted : 

FRIENDS ! BRETHEEN ! COUNTRYMEN ! 

That worst of plagues, the detested TEA, 
shipped for this port by the East India Company, 
is now arrived in this harbor. The hour of de- 
struction or manly opposition to . . . tyranny 
stares you in the face. Every friend to his coun- 
try, to himself, and prosperity, is now called upon 
to meet at Faneuil Hall at nine o'clock THIS DAY 
(at which time the bells will' ring), to make a 
united and successful resistance to this last, worst, 
and most destructive measure. . . . {Sheldon's 
American History.) 

2 Extract from a tea-ship journal 

Monday, Nov. 21)— The captain went on shore, 
there being a great disturbance about the tea. 
A town-meeting (the largest ever known in 
Boston) was held, which came to a resolution the 
tea should never be landed. . . . 

Tuesday, Nov. 30— A watch of 25 men on board 
this night, to see that the tea is not landed. 



158 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

Thursday, Dec. 2 — A guard of 25 men every 
night. 

Thursday, Dec. 10 — Town-meeting this day (in 
the Old South cliurch, addressed hy Josiah Quincy, 
Joseph Warren and Samuel Adams). Between 
six and seven o'clock this evening came down to 
the wharf a body of about 1000 people ; among 
them were a number dressed and whooping like 
Indians. They came on board the ship, and after 
warning myself and the custom-house officer to 
get out of the way, they . . . went down the hold, 
where was 80 whole and 31 half chests of tea, 
which they hoisted u]:)on deck, and cut the chests 
to pieces, and hove the tea all overboard, where 
it was damaged and lost. {Sheldon^ s American 
History.) 

8 How John Adams felt the morning after the 
Party. 

'^ Last night three cargoes of tea were emptied 
into the sea. This morning a man of war sails. 
This is the most magnificent movement of all. 
There is a dignity^ a majesty, a sublimity in this 
last effort of the patriots that I greatly admire. 
The people should never rise without doing some- 
thing to be remembered — something notable and 
striking. This destruction of the tea is so bold, 
so daring, so firm, intrepid, and inflexible, and it 
must have so important consequences, and so 
lasting, that I cannot but consider it as an epoch 
in history. 



THE TEA PARTY 159 

Whnt measures will the ministry take in con- 
sequence of this ? Will they resent it ? Will 
they dare resent it ? Will tliey punish us ? 
How ? By quartering troops upon us ? By 
annulling our charter ? By laying on more 
duties ? By restraining our trade 'i By sacrifice 
of individuals ? Or how ? 

The question is whether the destruction of the 
tea was necessary. I apprehend it was absolutely 
and indispensably so. They could not send it 
l)ack . . . then there was no other alternative 
but to destroy it or let it be landed. To let it be 
landed, would be giving up the principle of tax- 
ation l)y parliamentary authority, against which 
the continent has struggled for 10 years." 
4 Feeling outside of Boi ton. 

In New York "vast num])ers of the people col- 
lected, and highly extolled the Bostonians." In 
Philadelphia the bells were rung, a large public 
meeting voted " the most perfect approbation, 
with universal huzzas ; " and subsequently, when 
5000 people met, they " returned their hearty 
thanks to the people of Boston for their resolution 
in destroying the tea, rather than suffering it to 
be landed." A letter from North Carolina said 
" that the deed was the only remedy left to save 
the colonies from slavery, and that the actors had 
the approbation of the whole continent." 



160 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Prove that • the tea party constituted an 
'^ epoch in history." 

2 Prove that the destruction of the tea was 
'^ indispensably " necessary ? 

3 Prove that ' ' the actors had the approbation 
of the whole continent." 

4 What conclusions can be safely drawn from 
the '^donations ?" 



XIII. 

THE BOSTON PORT BILL, 1774. 

Appeal to the colonies. 

They have ordered our port to be entirely shut 
up, leaving us barely so much . . . as to keep us 
from perishing with cold and hunger ; and it is 
said that a fleet of British ships is to block up our 
harbor until we shall make restitution t(j the 
East India Company for the loss of their tea. 
. . . The act fills the inhabitants with indigna- 
tion . . . This attack, though made immediately 
upon us, is doubtless designed for every other 
colony who shall not surrender their sacred rights 
and liberties into the hands of an infamous min- 
istry. Now, therefore, is the time when all 
should be united in opposition to this violation of 
the liberties of all. 



THE PORT BILL IGl 

The single question then is, whether you consider 
Boston as now suffering in the common cause, 
and sensibly feel and resent the injury and affront 
offered to her. If you do, and we cannot believe 
otherwise, may we not, from your approbation 
of our former conduct in defense of American 
liberty, rely on your suspending your trade with 
Great Britain at least. 
Responses of the colonies. 

'' We feel the heavy hand of power, and claim 
a share of your sufferings." "Depend upon it 
we will further assist you with provisions and men 
if you need it." "Our people are open and gener- 
ous, firm and resolute in the cause of liberty ; 
hope the people of Boston remain firm and 
steady." " Hold on and hold out to the last. As 
you are placed in the front rank, if you fail all 
will be over." " Give us leave to entreat, to beg, 
to conjure you, by everything that is dear, by 
everything that is sacred, by the veneral)le 
names of our pious forefathers, who suffered, 
who bled in the defense of liberty, not to desert tlie 
cause in this trying crisis." "Stand firm, and 
let your intrepid courage show to the world that 
you are Christians." 

From Fairfax co., Va., George Washington, 
Chairman : — ^'Resolved . . . That the inhabitants 
of the town of Boston are now suffering in the 
common cause of all British America . . . and 
therefore that a subscription ought immediately 



162 THE BIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

to be opened ... to i^urchase provisions ... to 
be distributed among the poorer sort of people 
there. . . . 

" Resolved, That nothing will so much defeat 
the pernicious designs of the common enemies of 
Great Britain and her colonies, as a firm union of 
the latter, who ought to regard every act of 
violence or oppression inflicted upon any one . . . 
as aimed at all ; and . . . that a congress should 
be appointed, to consist of deputies from all the 
colonies to concert ... a plan for the defense 
. . . of our common rights. ..." 

Gifts received at Boston during the operation 
of the port bill between January 30, and April 17, 
1775. 

Massachusetts towns sent cash, corn, wood, rye, 
grain, cheese, pork, handkerchiefs (home made), 
meal, shoes, potatoes, turnips, cabbages, wheat, 
beef, rice, hay, malt, thread, moose-skin breeches, 
wool, tobacco, flax, shovels, spinning-wheel, flour, 
butter. 

New Hampshire sent cash, £110. 

Connecticut sent cash, sheep, cattle, cheese, 
corn, rye, wood, turnips, wheat, (sent in four 
times). 

Virginia sent wheat (3723 bu.), flour, bread, 
corn (1525 bu. at one time ; at another, over $500 
worth). 

New Jersey sent cash, £155. 



CONGRESS OF 1774 163 

Pennsylvania sent cash, £160, flour, (500 
barrels), bar iron, nails. 

Canada sent £100. Rhode Island sent cash, 
£221. South Carolina sent cash, £1513, and rice 
(80 lbs. worth). Dominica sent cocoa. Total 
values received, £3131. 



XIV. 

DECLARATION OF RIGHTS BY CONGRESS OF 1774 
(American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I.) 

On the 14th of October, the members of this con- 
gress, with unexampled unanimity, declared ; 
'' That the inhabitants of the English colonies in 
North America, by the immutable laws of nature, 
the principles of the English constitution, and the 
several charters or compacts, have the following 
rights : 

1 "That they are entitled to life, liberty, and 
property ; and they have never ceded to any 
sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of 
either, without their consent." 

2 "That our ancestors, who first settled these 
colonies, were, at the time of their emigration 
from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, 
liberties, and immunities, of free and natural 
born subjects within the realm of England." 

3 ' ' That by such emigration, they by no means 



164 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

forfeited, surrendered or lost, any of those rights, 
but that they were, and their descendants now are, 
entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such 
of them, as their local and other circumstances, 
enable them to exercise and enjoy." 

4 ' ' That the foundation of English liberty, and 
of all free governments, is a right in the people 
to participate in their legislative council ; and as 
the English colonists are not represented, and 
from their local and other circumstances, cannot 
properly be represented in the British parliament, 
they are entitled to a free and exclusive poiver of 
legislation, in their several provincial legislatures, 
where their right of representation can only be 
preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal 
policy, subject only to the negative of their sov- 
ereign, in such manner as has been heretofore 
used and accustomed. But from the necessity of 
the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of 
both countries, we cheerfully consent to the 
operation of such acts of the British parliament, 
as are bona fide, restrained to the regulation of 
our external commerce, for the purpose of secur- 
ing the commercial advantages of the whole 
empire to the motlier country, and the commercial 
benefits of its respective members ; excluding 
every idea of taxation internal or external, for 
raising a revenue, on the subjects in America, 
without their consent." 

5 ''That the respective colonies, are entitled to 



CONGRESS OF 1T74. 165 

the common law of England, and more especially, 
to the great and mestimable privilege of being 
tried by their peers of the vicinage^ according to 
the course of that law." 

6 '^ That they are entitled, to the benefit of 
such of the English statutes, as existed at the 
time of their colonization ; and which they have, 
by experience, respectively found, to be applicable 
to their several local and other circumstances." 

7 '' That these, his majesty's colonies, are like- 
w^ise entitled to all the immunities and privileges 
granted and confirmed to them, by royal charters, 
or secured, by their several codes of provincial 
laws." 

8 '' That they have a right peaceably to assem- 
ble, consider of their grievances, and petition the 
king ; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory pro- 
clamations and commitments for the same, are 
illegal." 

9 ' ' That the keeping a standing army in 
these colonies, in times of peace, without the con- 
sent of the legislature of that colony, in which 
such army is kept, is against law," 

10 "It is indispensably necessary to good 
government, and rendered essential by the Eng- 
lish constitution, that the constituent branches 
of the legislature, be independent of each other ; 
that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power, 
in several colonies, by a council appointed during 
pleasure by the ci'own, is unconstitutional, dan- 



166 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

gerous, and destructive to the freedom of Ameri- 
can legislation." 

« 

Topics for Papers. 

1 The rights asserted and the ground of the 
rights. 

2 Are any new claims made or advanced ground 
taken ? 

3 What facts can you give to support no. 1, 2 
and 3 ? 

4 Work out the points under 4 carefully. 

5 Compare and contrast this declaration with 
that of the stamp act congress. 

6 Draw inferences from these resemblances and 
differences. 



XV. 



ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF GREAT BRITAIN, 
CONGRESS OF 1Y74 

(American Archives, Fourth Series, VoL L) 

Friends and fellow subjects. — 

When a nation, led to greatness by the hand of 
liberty, and possessed of all the glory that hero- 
ism, munificence, and humanity can bestow, de- 
scends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for 
her friends and children, and instead of giving sup- 
port to freedom, turns advocate for slavery and 



CONGKESS OF 1774 167 

oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either 
ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely neghgent 
in the appointment of her rulers. 

In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in 
long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, 
against many and powerful nations, against the 
open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous 
treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your 
island, your great and glorious ancestors, main- 
tained their independence, and transmitted the 
rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to 
you, their posterity. 

Be not surprised, therefore, that we, who are 
descended from the same common ancestors ; that 
we, whose forefathers participated in all the 
rights, the liberties, and the constitution you so 
justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed 
the same fair inheritance to us, guarantied by the 
plighted faith of government, and the solemn 
compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse 
to surrender them to men who found their claims 
on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them 
with a design, that by having our lives and prop- 
erty in their power, they may, with the greater 
facility, enslave you. 

Know then, that we consider ourselves, and do 
insist that we are and ought to be, as free as our 
fellow subjects in Britain, and that no power on 
earth has a right to take our property from us, 
without our consent. 



168 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

Are not the proprietors of the soil of GreatBrit- 
ain, lords of their own property ? Can it be taken 
from them, without their consent ? Will they 
yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man, or 
number of men whatever ? You know they 
will not. Why then are the proprietors of the 
soil of America less lords of their property than 
you are of yours ? Or why should they submit 
it to the disposal of your parliament or any other 
parliament, or council in the world, not of their 
election ? 

Eeason looks with indignation on such distinc- 
tions, and freemen can never perceive their pro- 
priety. . . . Such declarations we consider as 
heresies in English politics, and which can no 
more operate to deprive us of our property, than 
the interdicts of the pope can divest kings of 
scepters which the laws of the land and the voice 
of the people have placed in their hands. . . . 
We call upon you yourselves, to witness our 
loyalty and attachment to the common interest 
of the whole empire : did we not, in the last war, 
add all the strength of this vast continent to the 
force which repelled our common enemy ? Did 
we not leave our native shores, and meet disease 
and death, to promote the success of British arms 
in foreign climates ? Did you not thank us for 
our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of 
money, which, you confessed we had advanced 
beyond our proportion, and far beyond our abili- 



CONGRESS OF 1774 1(39 

ties ? You did. . . . Let justice and humanity 
cease to be the boast of your nation ! Consult 
your history ; examine your records of former 
transactions, nay, turn to the annals of the many 
arbitrary states and kingdoms that surround you, 
and show us a single instance of men being con- 
demned to suffer for imputed crimes, unheard, 
unquestioned, and without even the specious 
formality of a trial ; and that, too, by laws made 
expressly for the purpose, and which had no ex- 
istence at the time of the fact committed. If it 
be difficult to reconcile these proceedings to the 
genius and temper of your laws and constitution, 
the task will become more arduous, when we call 
upon our ministerial enemies to justify, not only 
condemning men untried, and by hearsay, but 
involving the innocent in one common punish- 
ment with the guilty ; and for the act of 30 or 40, 
to bring poverty, distress and calamity, on 30,000 
souls, and those not your enemies, but your 
friends, brethren and fellow-subjects. . . . Nor 
can we suppress our astonishment, that a British 
parliament should ever consent to establish in that 
country a religion that has deluged your island 
in blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecu- 
tion, murder, and rebellion, through every part of 
the world. This being a true state of facts, let 
us beseech you to consider to what end they 
lead. Admit that the ministry, by the powers of 
Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic 



170 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

neighbors, should be able to carry the point of 
taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect 
humiliation and slavery ; such an enterprise would 
doubtless make some addition to your national 
debt, which already presses down your liberties, 
and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We 
presume, also, that your commerce will some- 
what be diminished. However, suppose you 
should prove victorious, in what condition will 
you then be ? What advantages or what laurels 
will you reap f rona such a conquest ? 

May not a ministry with the same armies en- 
slave you ? — It may be said, 3^ou will cease to pay 
them ; but remember the taxes from America, 
the wealth, and we may add the men, and par- 
ticularly the Eoman Catholics of this vast con- 
tinent, will then be in the power of your enemies ; 
nor will you have any reason to expect, that after 
making slaves of us, many among us should re- 
fuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject 
state. . . . 

We believe there is yet much virtue, much jus- 
tice, and much public spirit in the English nation. 
— To that justice we now appeal. You have been 
told that we are seditious, impatient of govern- 
ment, and desirous of independency. Be as- 
sured that these are not facts, but calumnies.— 
Permit us to be as free as yourselves, and wo 
shall ever esteem a union with you, to be our 
greatest glory and our greatest happiness ; we 



CONGRESS OF 1774 171 

shall ever be ready to contribute all in our power 
to the welfare of the empire ; we shall consider 
your enemies as our enemies, and your interests 
as our own. 

But, if you are determined that your minis- 
ters shall wantonly sport with the rights of man- 
kind — if neither the voice of justice, the dic- 
tates of the law, the principles of the constitu- 
tion, or the suggestions of humanity, can re- 
strain your hands from shedding human blood, 
in such an impious cause, we must then tell you, 
that we will never submit to be hewers of wood, 
or drawers of water for any ministry or nation in 
the world. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What do you infer as to the purpose of this 
address ? 

2 What sentiments does the address appeal to ? 

3 What sentiments must have moved the au- 
thors ? 

4 What warnings does it contain ? Were 
these probable or imaginary dangers ? Reasons. 

5 What implications in the last two paragraphs? 



172 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 



XVI. 

POINTS FROM SUFFOLK COUNTY RESOLVES SENT TO 
THE CONGRESS OF 1774 

1 That the king of England is our rightful 
sovereign. 

2 That it is our duty by all lawful means to 
defend our civil and religious rights and liberties. 

3 That the late act for shutting the port of 
Boston, and for screening the most flagitious 
violators of the laws of the province, are gross 
infractions of those rights. 

4 That no obedience is due from this province 
to either or any part of these acts, but that they 
ought to be rejected as the wicked attempts of 
an abandoned administration to establish a des- 
potic government. 

5 That so long as judges or justices of the 
courts are appointed, or hold places by any other 
tenure than that the charter directs, they must 
be considered as unconstitutional officers, and no 
regard ought to be paid to them by the people of 
the county, 

6 That this county ^vill support and bear harm- 
less all sheriffs, jurors, etc. who shall fail to car- 
ry into execution the orders of said courts. 

7 That it be recommended to all public offi- 



SUFFOLK COUNTY RESOLUTIONS J < o 

cers who have pubhc money in their hands to de- 
tain the same till the civil government of this 
province is placed on a constitutional foundation; 
or until otherwise ordered by the proposed pro- 
vincial congress. 

8 That those who have accepted seats at the 
council-board, by mandamus from the king, have 
violated the duties they owed their country and 
are advised to resign on or before the 20th of 
September ; if not, they are to be considered as 
enemies to their country. 

9 That the fortifications carrying on upon 
Boston- Neck are justly alarming to this county 
and more especially as the commander-in-chief 
has removed the powder from the magazine at 
Charlestown. 

10 That the establishment of the Roman Cath- 
olic religion and French laws in Canada is dan- 
gerous, in the extreme, to the Protestant religion 
and the civil rights and liberties of all America. 
Therefore we are obliged to take all proper meas- 
ures for our security. 

11 That we ought immediately to do all in our 
power to perfect ourselves in the art of war and 
for this purpose the militia are to appear under 
arms once each week. 

12 That during the hostile appearance of Great 
Britain, notwithstanding the many insults and 
oppressions which we feel and resent, yet from 
our affection to His Majesty, we are determined 



174 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

to act only on the . . . defensive, so long as 
such conduct may be vindicated by reason and 

the principles of self-preservation but no 

longer. 

13 That we recommend that in case so auda- 
cious a measure (seizing patriot leaders) be car- 
ried into execution, all the officers of so tyranni- 
cal a government be seized and kept in safe cus- 
tody till the others be restored to their friends. 

11 That we recommend to withhold commer- 
cial intercourse with Great Britain. 

15 That we will encourage the arts and manu- 
factures all we can. 

16 That a provincial congress ought to be 
called and that we recommend delegates from all 
the counties to meet at Concord in October. 

17 That we will pay all due respect and submis- 
sion to any measures the continental congress 
may recommend to the colonies. 

18 That we recommend all orders of people to 
retain their resentments and avoid all riots, and 
that by a steady, manly, uniform and persevering 
opposition, to convince their enemies that in a 
contest so important, and in a cause so solemn, 
their conduct should be such as to merit tlie ap- 
probation of the wise and the admiration of the 
brave and free of every country. 

(These resolutions were read in the Congress of 
1774, and the answer was carried back to Boston 
by Paul Eevere.) 



CONGRESS OF 1774 175 

Topics for papers. 

A The situation giving rise to these resolutions. 

2 How do they compare in temper with the 
declaration of rights ? Account for this differ- 
ence. 

3 Significance of numbers 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8. 
Can they be justified ? 

4 What new or advanced grounds are taken ? 



XVII. 

THE CONGRESS OF 1774 

Response to the Suffolk county resolves. 

(American Archives, Fourth Series) 

Resolved that this assembly deeply feels the 
sufferings of their countrymen in the Massachu- 
setts Bay, under the operation of the late unjust, 
cruel, and oppressive acts of the British parliament; 
that we most thoroughly approve the wisdom and 
fortitude with which opposition to these wicked 
ministerial measures has hitherto been conducted, 
and we earnestly recommend to our brethren a 
perseverance in the same firm and temperate con- 
duct, as expressed in the resolutions of the 



176 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

delegates for the county of Suffolk on the 6th 
instant ; 

Eesolved unanimously, that contributions from 
all the colonies for supplying the necessities, and 
alleviating the distress of our brethren at Boston, 
ought to be continued, in such a manner, and so 
long as their occasion may require. 

Eesolved that this congress (Oct. 8) approve of 
the opposition made by the inhabitants of Massa- 
chusetts Bay to the execution of the late acts of 
parliament ; and if the same shall be attempted 
to be carried into execution by force, in such case 
alli^merica ought to support them in their opposi- 
tion. 

Sentiments from the congress. 

Greorge Washington wrote : "lam well satis- 
fied that no such thing (independence) is desired 
by any thinking man in all North America ; on 
the contrary, that it is the ardent wish of the 
warmest advocates for liberty that peace and 
tranquillity, on constitutional grounds, may be 
restored, and the horrors of civil discord pre- 
vented." 

John Adams wrote : "If it is the secret hope of 
many, as I suspect it is, that the congress will 
advise to offensive measures, they will be mis- 
taken. I have had opportunities enough, both 



SENTIMENTS FROM THE CONGRESS. 177 

public and private, to learn with certainty the 
decisive sentiments of the delegates and others on 
this point. They will not at this session vote to 
raise men or money, or arms or ammunition. 
Their opinions are fixed against hostilities, and 
rupture, except they should become absolutely 
necessary ; and this necessity they do not yet see. 
They dread the thought of an action, because it 
would make a wound which would never be healed ; 
it would establish a rancor which would descend 
to the latest generations ; it would render all hope 
of a reconciliation with Great Britain desperate ; 
it would light up the flames of war, perhaps 
through the whole continent, which might rage 
for 20 years, and result in the subduction of 
America as likely as her liberation." 

Patrick Henry said he hoped "that future ages 
would quote their proceedings with aj^plause." 
" British oppression has effaced the boundaries of 
the several colonies ; the distinctions between 
Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and 
New Englanders are no more. I am not a Vir- 
ginian, but an American." 

Richard Henry Lee : "Our ancestors found here 
no government; and as a consequence had a right to 
make their own. Charters are an unsafe reliance, 
for the king's right to grant them has itself been 
denied. Besides the right to life and the right to 
liberty are inalienable." 

12 



178 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHME:N: 

Galloway wrote : ''Samuel Adams, though by 
no means remarkable for brilliant abilities, is 
equal to most men in popular intrigue, and in the 
management of a faction. He eats little, drinks 
little, sleeps little, and thinks much, and is most 
decisive and indefatigable in the pursuit of his 
objects- He was the man who, by his superior 
application managed at once the faction in congress 
at Philadelphia and the faction in New England." 

Topics for Papers. 

Draw conclusions about the following : 

1 Approving the conduct of Boston by con- 
gress. 

2 Recommendations to America. 

3 Attitude of congress toward resistance and 
independence. 

4 Historical significance of Henry's and Lee's 
sentiments. • 



XYIII. 

PREPARATION FOR THE CONFLICT 

(Extracts of a letter from Philadelphia, Dec. 24, 1774, to a 
member of Parliament.) 

(American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I.) 

^' The proclamation (to prevent export of powder 
and guns to America) will be rendered ineffectual 



iPllEPAIMNG FOK THE CONFLICT 179 

by a manufactory of gunpowder . . . the ma- 
terials of which may be procured in great per- 
fection among ourselves. . . . There are moreover 
gunsmiths enough in the province to make 100,000 
stands of arms in one year. . . . Such is the 
wonderful martial spirit which is enkindled 
among us, that we begin to think the whole force 
of Great Britain could not subdue us. . . . The 
four New England colonies, together with Virginia 
and Maryland, are completely armed and disci- 
plined. The province of Pennsylvania will follow 
their example in a few weeks. Our militia will 
amount to' not less than 60,000 men. Nothing 
but a total repeal of the acts of parliament of 
which we complain can prevent a civil war in 
America. Our opposition has now arisen to des- 
peration. It would be as easy to allay a storm in 
the ocean by a single word, as to subdue the free 
spirit of Americans, without a total redress of 
their grievances. . . . We tremble at the thought 
of a separation from Great Britain. All our glory 
and happiness have been derived from you. But 
we are in danger of being shipwrecked upon your 
rocks. To avoid these, we are willing to l)e tossed, 
without compass or guide, for a while upon an 
ocean of blood. . . ." 

On Dec. 26, the same writer continues : " There 
cannot be a greater error than to suppose that the 
present commotions in America are owing to the 
arts of demagogues. Every man thinks and acts 



180 THE EIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

for himself. ... It is to no piirj^ose to attempt to 
destroy the opposition to the omnipotence of par- 
liament by taking off our Hancocks^ Adamses and 
Dickinsons. Ten thousand patriots of the same 
stamp stand ready to fill their places. Would to 
Heaven our rulers would consider these things in 
time. . . . For God's sake try to rouse up the 
ancient spirit of the nation. We love you — we 
honor you as brethren and fellow subjects. We 
have shared in your dangers and gloriesr Only 
grant us the liberty you enjoy, and we shall al- 
ways remain one people. Let the bond of our union 
be in the crown of Great Britain." 

Fairfax county, Va., Washington in the chair, 
voted, Feb. 2, 1775, a tax for the purchase of 
arms, etc., and to enroll the inhabitants from 10 
to 60 years of age, and to practice military ex- 
ercise. 

Before the Virginia convention of delegates, in 
March, 1775, Patrick Henry introduced and car- 
ried the following: "Resolved that this colony 
be put immediately into a state of of defense, and 
that a committee be appointed to prepare a plan 
for embodying, arming, and disciplining such a 
number of men as may be sufficient for that pur- 
pose." 

General Charles Lee said : " I have now run 
through the whole of the colonies from the North 
to the South. I have conversed with every order 
of men, from the first -estated gentlemen to the 



Chatham's speech urges reconciliation 181 

poorest planters, and cannot express my aston 
ishment at the unanimity, and ardent spirit reign- 
ing through the whole. They are determined to 
sacrifice everything . . . their property, their 
wives, children, and hlood . . . rather than cede 
a tittle of what they conceive to be their rights." 
John Dickinsgn : " The first act of violence on 
the part of the administration in America will 
put its whole continent in arms from Nova Scotia 
to Geoi^a.^' 

Topics for Papers. 

Points to .discover : 

1 Geographical extent of the military prepara- 
tions. 

2 Nature of the preparations. 

3 What sentiments moved the author of the 
letter ? Were these sentiments individual or 
general ? Prove your answer from the docu- 
ment. 

4 Whether these extracts point to resistance 
or independence. Cite facts to prove your con- 
clusion. 



XIX. 

EFFECTS OF THE CONGRESS OF 1774 ON ENGLAND 

(Extracts from Lord Chatham's motion and speech.) 

That an humble address be presented to his 



182 THE RIGHTS OF ENGLISHMEN 

majesty, to advise and beseech (most humbly) 
. . . that ... to open the way towards an happy 
settlement of the dangerous troubles in America 
. . . and, above all, for preventing any sudden 
and fatal catastrophe at Boston. . . . orders may 
be dispatched to General Gage for removing His 
Majesty's forces from the town of Boston. 

My lords, these papers from America, now laid 
by administration for the first time before your 
lordships have been to my certain knowledge five 
or six weeks in the pocket of the minister. And 
notwithstanding the fate of this kingdom hangs 
on the event of this great controversy, we are but 
this moment (Jan. 20, 1775) called to a consider- 
ation of this important subject. ... I do not 
wish to look into these papers. ... I know 
there is not a member . . . but is well acquainted 
with their purport, also. We ought to proceed 
immediately. We ought to seize the first mo- 
ment to open the door of reconciliation. The 
Americans will never be in a temper or state to 
be reconciled ; they ought not to be, till the troops 
are withdrawn. ... I know not who advised 
the present measures : . . . but this I will say, 
that whoever advises them, ought to answer for 
it, at his utmost peril. I know that no one will 
avow that he advised, or that he was the author 
of these measures ; every one shrinks from the 
charge. . . . His Majesty may indeed wear his 
crown, but, the American Jewel out of it, it will 



CHATHAM ON THE CONGRESS OF 1774 188 

not be worth the wearing. ... I must not say, 
the king is betrayed ; but this I will say, the 
nation is rained. . . . 

They say you have no right to tax them with- 
out their consent. They say truly. Representa- 
tion and taxation must go together ; they are in- 
separable. Yet there is scarcely a man in our 
streets, though so poor, as scarcely to be able to 
get his daily bread, but thinks he is the legisla- 
tor of America. ' Our American subjects ' is a 
common phrase in the mouths of the lowest orders 
of our citizens ; but property, my lords, is the 
sole and entire dominion of the owner : it ex- 
cludes all the world besides the owner. None can 
intermeddle with it. It is a unity, a mathemat- 
ical point. It is an atom ; untangible by any but 
the proprietor. . . . But how have this respect- 
able people behaved, under their grievances ? 
With unexampled patience, with unparalleled 
wisdom. They chose delegates, by their free suf- 
frages ; no bribery, no corruption, no influence 
there, my lords. Their representatives meet, with 
the sentiments and temper, and speak the sense of 
the continent. For genuine sagacity, for singular 
moderation, for solid wisdom, manly spirit, sub- 
lime sentiments, and simplicity of language, for 
everything respectable, and honorable, the con- 
gress of Philadelphia shine unrivalled. This 
wise people speak out. They do not hold the 
language of slaves ; they tell you what they 



184 THE RIGHTS OF MAN 

mean. They do not ask you to repeal your laws, 
as a favor ; they claim it, as a right — they de- 
mand it. They tell you they will not submit 
to them ; and I tell you, the acts must be re- 
pealed ; they will be repealed ; you cannot enforce 
them. 

My lords, deeply impressed with the importance 
of taking some healing measures, at this most 
alarming, distracted state of our affairs, though 
bowed down with a cruel disease, I have crawled 
to this house to give you my best council and 
experience. . . 



XX. 

EXTRACTS FROM 

(Published January 9, 1776) 
(Frothingham's Republic, 472-478) 

I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain 
arguments, and common sense. The period of 
debate is closed. Arms, as the last recourse, 
decide the contest. The appeal was the choice of 
the king, and the continent hath accepted the 
challenge. . . . 'Tis not the affair of a city, a 
county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a conti- 
nent, — of at least one-eighth part of the habitable 
globe, 'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or 



COMMON SENSE 185 

an age : posterity are virtually involved in the 
contest, and will be more or less affected, even to 
the end of time, by the proceedings now. . . . 
Britain is the parent country, say some. Then 
the more shame for her conduct. Europe, not 
England, is the parent country of America. This 
new world hath been the asylum for the perse- 
cuted lovers of civil and religious liberty from 
every part of Europe. The same tyranny which 
drove the first emigrants from home pursues their 
descendants still. We claim brotherhood with 
every European Christian, and triumph in the 
generosity of the sentiment. 

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconcilia- 
tion to shew a single advantage that this continent 
can reap by being connected with Great Britain. 
Everything that is right or reasonable pleads for 
separation. The blood of the slain, the weeping 
voice of Nature cries, 'Tis time to part. Even the 
distance at which the Almighty hath placed Eng- 
land and America is a strong and natural proof 
that the authority of the one over the other was 
never the design of Heaven. Men of passive 
tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses 
of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt 
to call out, ' Come, come ! we shall be friends 
again for all this.' But examine the passions 
and feelings of mankind, bring the doctrine 
of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and 
then tell me whether you can hereafter love, 



186 THE RIGHTS OF ]MAN 

honor, and faithfully serve the power that hath 
carried fire and sword into your land 'i If you 
cannot do all these, then are you only, deceiving 
yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin on 
posterity. But if you say you can pass the viola- 
tions over, then I ask, hath your house been burnt ? 
hath your property been destroyed before your 
face ? have you lost a parent or cliild by their 
hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched sur- 
vivor ? If you have not, then you are not a judge 
of those who have. But if you have, and can 
still shake hands w^th the murderer, then are 
you unworthy the name of husband, father, friend, 
or lover ; and, whatever may be your rank and 
title in life, you have the heart of a coward 
and the spirit of a sycophant. 'Tis not in the 
power of England or of Europe to conquer 
America. 

But the most powerful of all arguments is, 
that nothing but independence — i. e., a continent- 
al form of government — can keep the peace of 
the continent, and preserve it inviolate from civil 
wars. ... I have heard some men say that they 
dreaded independence, fearing that it w^ould pro- 
duce civil wars. The colonies have manifested 
such a spirit of good order and obedience to con- 
tinental government as is sufficient to make every 
reasonable person easy and happy on that head. 
. . . Can we but leave posterity with a settled 
form of government, an independent constitution 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 187 

of its own, the purchase at any price will be 
cheap. 

Under our present denomination of British sub- 
jects, we can neither be rec^eived nor heard 
abroad : the custom of all courts is against us, 
and will be so until by an independence we take 
rank with otlier nations. These proceedings may 
.'it first appear strange and difficult, but, like all 
other steps which we have passed over, will in a 
little time become familiar and agreeable. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What battles had already occurred ? 

2 Select and number the arguments for inde- 
pendence. 

3 Are these such as would appeal to the people 
at this time ? Prove your answer. 

4 How far back in time would public sentiment 
have sustained these arguments ? 

5 Do they appeal to common sense ? 



XXI. 

POLITICAL DOCTRINES OF THE DECLARATION OF 
INDEPENDENCE 

When, in the course of human events, it becomes 
necessary for one people to dissolve the political 



188 THE RIGHTS OF MAN 

bands which have connected them with another, 
and to assume, among the powers of the earth, 
the separate and equal station to which the laws 
of nature and nature's God entitle them, a decent 
respect for the opinions of mankind requires that 
they should declare the causes which impel them 
to the separation. 

We hold these truths to be self-evident — that all 
men are created equal ; that they are endowed 
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit 
of happiness! that, to secure these rights, gov- 
ernments are instituted among men, deriving 
their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned ; that whenever any form of government 
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the 
right of the people to alter or to abolish it, 
and to institute new governments, laying its foun- 
dation on such principles, and organizing its 
powers in such form, as to them shall seem most 
likely to effect their safety and happiness. Pru- 
dence, indeed, will dictate, that governments, 
long established, should not be changed for light 
and transient causes ; and accordingly all experi- 
ence hath shown, that mankind are more dis- 
posed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to 
right themselves by abolishing the forms to which 
they are accustomed. But when a long train of 
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the 
same object, evinces a design to reduce them 



THE BIGHTS OF MAK 189 

under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is 
their duty to throw off such government, and to 
provide new guards for their future security. 
Such has been the patient sufferance of these col- 
onies ; and such is now the necessity which con- 
strains them to alter their former systems of 
government. The history of the present king 
of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries 
and usurpations, all having in direct object the 
establishment of an absolute tyranny over these 
states. . . . 

We, therefore, the representatives of the United 
States of America, in general congress assembled, 
appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world, for 
the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name 
and by the authority of the good people of these 
colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these 
united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free 
and independent states ; that they are absolved 
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all 
political connection between them and the state of 
Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved ; 
and that as free and independent states, they have 
full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract 
alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other 
acts and things which independent states may of 
right do. And for the support of this declaration, 
with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine 
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our 
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. 



190 STATE SOVEREIGNTY 

Topics for Papers 

1 List the likenesses and differences between the 
declaration of* rights and the declaration of inde- 
pendence. 

• 2 Analyze the first part of the declaration of 
independence into its political principles. 

3 What is the logical connection between the 
parts of the declaration ? 

4 What degree of sovereignty is expressed in 
the last portion of the declaration ? 



Documents on Origin of the Constitution 
XXII. 

colonel HAMILTON TO THE HON. JAMES DUANE 
(Hamilton, Life of Hamilton, v. 1.) 

Liberty Pole, 1780. 
Dear Sir : — The fundamental defect is a want 
of power in congress ... it has originated from 
three causes : an excess of the spirit of liberty, 
which has made the particular states show a 
jealousy of all power not in their own hands ; 
... a diffidence in congress of their own powers, 
by which they have been . . . indecisive in their 
resolutions, constantly making concessions to the 
states ; a want of sufficient means . . . to answer 
the public exigencies, and of vigor to draw forth 



DEFECTS OF THE CONFEDERATION 191 

those means which have occasioned them to de- 
pend on the states. 

. . . The manner in which congress was ap- 
pointed wonld warrant that they shonld have 
considered themselves as vested with full power 
to jyreserve the republic from harm. 

They have done many of the highest acts of 
sovereignty which were always cheerfully suh- 
mitted to. 

. . . The idea of an uncontrollahle sovereignty 
in each state, will defeat the other powers given 
to congress, and make our union feeble and pre- 
carious ... 

There is a wide difference between our situation 
and that of an empire under one simple form of 
government, distributed into counties, provinces 
or districts which have no legislatures, but merely 
magistratical bodies to execute the laws of a 
common sovereign. Here the danger is, that 
the sovereign will have too much power and 
oppress the i:)arts of which it is composed. In our 
case, that of an empire composed of con federative 
states, each witli a government completely organ- 
ized within itself, having all the means to draw 
its subjects to a close dependence on itself, the 
danger is directly the reverse. It is that the 
common sovereign will not have power sufficient 
to uiiite the different members together, and 
direct the common forces to the interest and 
happiness of the whole. 



192 STATE SOVEREIGNTY 

. . . We have felt the difficulty of drawing out 
the resources of the country, and inducing the 
states to combine in equal exertions for the com- 
mon cause. 

Lately, congress convinced of these incon- 
veniences, have gone into the measure of appoint- 
ing boards. . . . 

A single man in each department of the 
administration would be greatly preferable. It 
would give us a chance of more knowledge, more 
activity, more responsibility, and of course more 
zeal and attention. . . . 

A third defect is the fluctuating constitution of 
our army. All our military misfortunes, three 
fourths of our civil embarrassments, are to be 
ascribed to it. . . . 

The imperfect and unequal i3rovision made for 
the army, is a fourth defect. Without a speedy 
change, the army must dissolve ; it is now a mob 
rather than an army, without clothing, without 
pay, without provision, without morals, without 
disci])line. We begin to hate the country for its 
neglect of us ; the country begins to hate us for 
our oppressions of them. Congress have long been 
jealous of us, we have now lost all confidence of 
them, and give the worst construction to all they 
do. . . . 

The first step must be to give congress powers 
competent to the public exigencies. This may 
happen in two wa3"s : one by resuming and exer- 



DEFECTS AND REMEDIES 193 

cising the discretionary powers I suppose to have 
been originally vested in them for the safety of 
the states ; the other by calling immediately a 
convention of all the states, with full authority to 
conclude finally upon a general confederation of 
all the states. 

. . . The first plan, I expect will be thought 
too bold an expedient by the generality of con- 
gress. . . I see no ol)jection to the other mode. 

. . A convention may agree upon a confedera- 
tion ; the states, individually, hardly ever will. 
We must have one, at all events, and a vigorous 
one, if we mean to succeed in the contest and be 
happy hereafter. . . I ask that the convention 
should have a power of vesting the whole or a 
part of the unoccupied lands in congress, because 
it is necessary that body should have some prop- 
erty, as a fund for the arrangements of finance. 

The confederation, in my opinion, should give 
congress a complete sovereignty ; except as to that 
part of internal police which relates to the rights 
of property and life among individuals, and to 
raising money by internal taxes. . . 

The second step I would recommend is that con- 
gress should instantly appoint the following great 
officers of state : a secretary of foreign affairs ; a 
president of war ; a president of marine ; a finan- 
cier ; a president of trade. . . These officers 
should have nearly the same powers and functions 
13 



194 STATE SOVEREIGNTY 

as those in France analogous to them, and each 
should be chief in his department. . . 

Another step of immediate necessity is to recruit 
the army for the war or at least for three years. 

. . The placing the officers upon half pay 
during life would be a great stroke of policy, and 
would give congress a stronger tie upon them 
than anything else they can do. 

And why cannot we have an American bank ? 
Are our moneyed men less enlightened to their 
own interest, or less enterprising in the pursuit ? 
I believe the fault is in government, which does 
not exert itself to engage them in such a 
scheme. . . 

And in future, my dear sir, two things let me 
recommend, as fundamental rules for the con- 
duct of congress ; to attach the army to them by 
every motive, to maintain an authority (not 
domineering), in all their measures with the 
states. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 The fundamental defect of the confederation. 

a What was it, and what were its causes ? 
b Can you name a defect more funda- 
mental still ? 

2 What was the difference between the danger 
of a monarchy and that of the confederation ? 
Prove that this was or was not true then of Eng- 
land and America. 



THE VIRGINIA PLAN 195 

3 Name and number the defects of the con- 
federation as seen by Hamilton. 

4 Name and number his remedies. 

5 Which of these have been applied ? 

6 Did the remedies look toward state sover- 
eignty or toward nationality ? Explain in gen- 
eral terms. 



XXIII. 



THE VIRGINIA PLAN. 

(Bancroft, Constitution. ) 

"The articles of confederation ought to be so 
corrected and enlarged as to accomplish the 
objects proposed by their institution ; namely, 
' common defense, security of liberty and general 
welfare.' 

^'The rights of suffrage in the national legis- 
lature ought to be proportioned to the quotas of 
contribution or to the number of free inhabitants. 

"The national legislature ought to consist of 
two branches, of which the members of the first 
or democratic house ought to be elected by the 
people of the several states ; of the second, by 
those of the first, out of persons nominated by the 
individual legislatures. 

' ' The national legislature, of which each branch 
ought to possess the right of originating acts, 
ought to enjoy the legislative rights vested in 



19G ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

congress by the confederation, and moreover to 
legislate in all cases to which the separate states 
are incompetent, or in which the harmony of the 
United States might be interrupted by the exer- 
cise of individual legislation ; to negative all laws 
passed by the several states contravening the 
articles of union ; and to call forth the force of the 
union against any member of the union failing 
to fulfill its duty under the articles thereof. 

' ' A national executive, chosen by the national 
legislature and ineligible a second time, ought to 
enjoy the executive rights vested in congress by 
the confederation and a general authority to 
execute the national laws. 

'^The executive and a convenient number of 
the national judiciary ought to compose a council 
of revision, with authority to examine every act 
of the national legislature before it shall operate. 

"A national judiciary ought to be established, 
to consist of supreme and inferior tribunals, to be 
chosen by the national legislature ; to hold their 
offices during good behavior, with jurisdiction to 
hear and determine all piracies and felonies on 
the high seas ; captures from an enemy ; cases 
in which foreigners and citizens, a citizen of one 
state and a citizen of another state may be in- 
terested ; cases which respect the collection of 
the national revenue ; impeachments of national 
officers ; and questions which may involve the 
national peace and harmony. 



THE VIRGINIA PLAN 197 

'^ Provision ought to be made for the admission 
of states lawfully arising within the limits of the 
United States. 

' ' A republican government, and the territory 
of each state ought to be guaranteed by the 
United States to each state. 

'^Provision ought to be made for the comple- 
tion of all the engagements of congress, and for 
its continuance until after the articles of union 
shall have been adopted. 

' ' Provision ought to be made for the amend- 
ment of the articles of union, to which the assent 
of the national legislature ought not to be re- 
quired. 

^'The legislative, executive and judiciary pow- 
ers, within the several states, ought to be bound 
by oath to support the articles of union. 

"The amendments which shall be offered to 
the confederation by the convention, ought, after 
the approbation of congress, to be submitted to 
assemblies of representatives, recommended by 
the several legislatures to be expressly chosen by 
the people to consider and decide thereon." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Are these propositions for a new constitution 
or for amendments ? Prove by a quotation. 

2 Are the changes fundamental or incidental ? 
Prove, 



198 OEIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

3 Which of these points were incorporated in 
our constitution ? 

4 Which did not become a part of our consti- 
tution ? 

5 Which imply a government based on state 
sovereignty ? Which on national sovereignty ? 



XXIV. 

THE LEADING POINTS FROM THE NEW JERSEY PLAN 

(Elliot, Debates, v. 5, p. 191.) 

1 That the articles of confederation ought to be 

revised, corrected and enlarged. 

2 That congress have these additional powers : 

a To raise a revenue. 
h To regulate foreign trade, 
c All violations of above powers to be 
tried by state courts. 

3 That requisitions be made in proportion to 

the whole number of white and other free 
citizens, and inhabitants of every age, sex 
and condition, including those bound to 
servitude for a term of years, and three 
fifths of all other persons, except Indians 
not paying taxes. 

4 That the United States in congress be au- 

thorized to elect a federal executive. 

5 That a federal judiciary be established, to 



THE NEW JERSEY PLAN 199 

consist of a supreme tribunal, the judges 
of which shall be appointed by the execu- 
tive and hold their offices during good be- 
havior. 

6 That all acts of the United States in congress, 

and all treaties made and ratified under 
the authority of the United States shall be 
the supreme law of the states, so far as 
those acts or treaties shall relate to the 
said states or their citizens. 
a The judiciary of the several states shall 

be bound thereby in their decisions. 
h In case of opposition from any state or 
body of men in any state toward such 
acts or treaties, the federal executive 
shall be authorized to call forth the 
power of the states to enforce obedi- 
ence. 

7 That provision be made for the admission of 

new states into the union. 

8 That the rule for naturalization ought to be 

the same in every state. 

9 That a citizen of one state, committing an 

offense in another state of the union, shall 
be deemed guilty of the same offense as if 
it had been committed by a citizen of 
the state in which the offense was com- 
mitted. 



200 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

Topics for Papers. 

1 State the resemblances between this and the 
Virginia plan. 

2 State the differences. 

3 What conclusions in the light of this com- 
parison and contrast ? 



XXV. 

HAMILTON'S IDEAS OF A CONSTITUTION 
(EUiot, Debates, v. 5, p. 205.) 

(The following was meant only to give a more 
correct view of his ideas, and to suggest the 
amendments which he should probably propose 
to the plan of Mr. Randolph, in the proper stages 
of its future discussion.) 

1 ' ' The supreme legislative power of the United 

States of America to be vested in two 
different bodies of men ; the one to be 
called the assembly ; the other the senate ; 
who, together, shall form the legislature 
of the United States, with power to pass 
all laws whatsoever, subject to the nega- 
tive hereafter mentioned. 

2 " The assembly to consist of persons elect- 

ed by the people to serve for three 
years. 



Hamilton's plan 201 

3 '' The senate to consist of persons elected to 

serve during good behavior ; their elec- 
tion to be made by electors chosen for 
that purpose by the people. In order to 
do this, the states to be divided into elec- 
tion districts. On the death, removal, 
or resignation of any senator, his place 
to be filled out of the district from which 
he came. 

4 ^'The supreme executive authority of the 

United States to be vested in a governor, 
to be elected to serve during good be- 
havior ; the election to be made by elec- 
tors chosen by the people in the election 
districts aforesaid. The authorities and 
functions of the executive to be as fol- 
lows : to have a negative on all laws 
about to be passed, and the execution of 
all laws passed ; to have the direction of 
war when authorized or begun ; to have 
with the advice and approbation of the 
senate, the power of making all treaties ; 
to have the sole appointment of the heads 
or chief officers of the departments of 
finance, war, and foreign affairs ; to have 
the nomination of all other officers (am- 
bassadors to foreign nations included), 
subject to the approbation of the senate ; 
to have the power of pardoning all 
offenses except treason, which he shall 



202 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

not i^ardon without the approbation of 
the senate. 

5 " On the death, resignation, or removal of 

the governor, his authorities to be exer- 
cised by the president of the senate till a 
successor be appointed. 

6 ' ' The senate to have sole power of declaring 

war ; the power of advising and approv- 
ing all treaties ; the power of approving 
or rejecting all appointments of officers, 
except the heads or chiefs of the depart- 
ments of finance, war, and foreign affairs. 

7 '' The supreme judicial authority to be vested 

in judges, to hold their offices during 
good behavior with adequate and perma- 
nent salaries. This court to have original 
jurisdiction in all cases of capture, and 
an appellate jurisdiction in all causes 
in which the revenues of the general 
government, or the citizens of foreign 
nations are concerned. 

8 ^' The legislature of the United States to have 

power to institute courts in each state for 
the determination of all matters of gen- 
eral concern. 

9 "The governor, senators, and all officers of 

the United States to be liable to imi^each- 
ment for mal and corrupt conduct ; and, 
upon conviction, to be removed from 
office and disqualified for holding any 



Hamilton's plan 203 

place of trust or profit ; all impeachments 
to be tried by a court to consist of the 
chief, or judge of the superior court of 
each state, provided such judge shall 
hold his place during good behavior and 
have a permanent salary. 

10 ^^All laws of the particular states contrary 

to the constitution or laws of the United 
States to be utterly void and, the better 
to prevent such laws being passed, the 
governor or president of each state shall 
be appointed by the general government, 
and shall have a negative upon the laws 
about to be passed in the state of which 
he is the governor or president. 

11 '' No state to have any forces, land or naval ; 

and the militia of all the states to be 
under the sole and exclusive direction of 
the United States, the officers of which 
to be appointed and commissioned by 
them." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Which of these topics are partly covered by 
the Virginia plan ? 

2 What parts are found in our present consti- 
tution ? 

3 Enumerate the points not incorporated in 
our present constitution. 

4 Which of these points omitted would have 



204 THE CONNECTICUT COMPROMISE 

centralized power more than it is? Do these 
points justify the charge that Hamilton favored 
a monarchy ? 



XXVI. 

SPEECHES ON THE CONNECTICUT COMPROMISE. 

(Eliot, Debates, v. 5.) 

Mr Ellsworth moved: ^Hhat the rule of suf- 
frage in the second branch be the same with that 
established by the articles of confederation." He 
was not sorry, on the whole, he said, that the 
vote just passed had determined against this rule 
in the first branch. He hoped it would become a 
ground of compromise with regard to the second 
branch. We were partly national, partly federal. 
The proportional representation in the first branch 
was conformable to the national principle, and 
would secure the large states against the small. 
An equality of voices was conformable to the 
federal principle, and was necessary to secure the 
small states against the large. He trusted that 
on this middle ground a compromise would take 
place. He did not see that it could on any other, 
and if no compromise should take place, our meet- 
ing would not only be in vain, but worse than 
vain. . . . The large states, he conceived, 
would, notwithstanding the equality of votes, 
have an influence that would maintain their 



THE CONNECTICUT COMPROMISE 205 

superiority. Holland, as had been admitted (by 
Mr. Madison), had, notwithstanding a Hke equal- 
ity in the Dutch confederacy, a prevaiHng influ- 
ence in the pubHc measures. The power of self- 
defense was essential to the small states. Nature 
had given it to the smallest insect of creation. 
He could never admit that there was no danger 
of combinations among the large states. They 
will, like individuals, find out and avail them- 
selves of the advantage to be gained by it. A 
defensive combination of the small states was 
rendered more difficult by their greater number. 
He would mention another consideration of great 
weight. The existing confederation was founded 
on the equality of the states in the article of suf- 
frage, — was it meant to pay no regard to this 
antecedent plighted faith ? Let a strong execu- 
tive, a judiciary, and legislative power be created, 
but let not too much be attempted, by which all 
may be lost. He was not in general a half-way 
man, yet he preferred doing half the good we 
could, rather than do nothing at all. (p. 260.) 

Mr. Madison. He entreated the gentlemen 
representing the small states to renounce a prin- 
ciple which was confessedly unjust, which could 
never be admitted, and which, if admitted, must 
infuse mortality into a constitution which we 
wished to last forever. He prayed them to 
ponder well the consequence of suffering the con- 
federacy to go to pieces. It had been said that 



206 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

the want of energy in the large states would be a 
security to the small. It was forgotten that this 
want of energy proceeded from the supposed 
security of the states against all external danger. 
Let each state depend on itself for its security, 
and let apprehensions arise of danger from 
distant powers or from neighboring states, and 
the languishing condition of all the states, large 
as well as small, would soon be transformed into 
vigorous and high-toned governments. His great 
fear was, that their governments would then 
have too much energy ; that this might not only 
be formidable in the large to the small states, but 
fatal to the internal liberty of all. The same 
causes which have rendered the old world the 
theatre of incessant wars, and have banished 
liberty from the face of it, would soon produce 
the same effects here. 

Topics for Papers 

1 Enumerate briefly the arguments of Ells- 
worth. 

2 State concisely the points made by Madison. 

3 What political principles were in conflict, and 
how were the states divided on them ? 

4 Did this compromise prevent the formation 
of parties on basis of size of states ? Reasons. 



THE EXECUTIVE BEPAE-TMENT 207 

XXVII. 

FIRST DISCUSSIONS ON THE EXECUTIVE 

(Elliot, Debates, v. 5, p. 140-416, 14) 

Friday, June 1. 

The committee of the whole proceeded to the 
seventh resolution, that a national executive be 
instituted, etc. 

Mr. Pinckney was for a vigorous executive, hut 
was afraid the executive powers of the existing 
congress might extend to peace and war, etc. ; 
which would render the executive a monarchy of 
the worst kind, to wit, an elective one. 

Mr. Wilson moved that the executive consist of 
a single person. Mr. C. Pinckney seconded the 
motion, so as to read, " that a national executive, 
to consist of a single person, he instituted." 

A considerable pause ensuing, and the chair- 
man asking if he should put the question. Dr. 
Franklin observed, that it was a point of great 
importance and wished the gentlemen would 
deliver their sentiments on it before the question 
was put. 

Mr. Sherman said he considered the executive 
magistracy as nothing more than an institution 
for carrying the will of the legislature into effect ; 
that the person or persons ought to be appointed 
by, and accountable to, the legislature only. 



208 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

which was the depository of the supreme will of 
the society. As they were the best judges of the 
business which ought to be done by the executive 
department, and consequently of the number 
necessary from time to time for doing it, he 
wished the number might not be fixed, but that 
the legislature should be at liberty to appoint one 
or more, as experience might dictate. 

Mr. Wilson preferred a single magistrate, as 
giving most energy, despatch and responsibility 
to the office. He did not consider the prerogatives 
of the British monarch as a proper guide in defin- 
ing the executive powers. Some of these prerog- 
atives were of a legislative nature ; among others, 
that of war and peace, etc .... 

Mr. Gerry favored the policy of annexing a 
council to the executive, in order to give weight 
and inspire confidence. 

Mr. Eandolph strenuously opposed a unity in 
the executive magistracy. He regarded it as the 
fetus of monarchy. We had, he said, no motive 
to be governed by the British government as our 
prototype. He did not mean, however, to throw 
censure on that excellent fabric. If we were in a 
situation to copy it, he did not know that he should 
be opposed to it ; but the fixed genius of the 
people of America required a different form of 
government. He could not see why the great 
requisites for the executive department, — vigor, 
despatch and responsibility, — could not be found 



THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT 209 

in three men, as well as in one man. The 
executive ought to be independent. It ought, 
therefore, in order to support its independence, to 
consist of more than one. 

Mr. Wilson's motion for a single magistrate 
was postponed by common consent, the commit- 
tee seeming unprepared for any decision on it, 
and the first part of the clause agreed to, viz., 
" that a national executive be instituted." 

Dr. Franklin. ^'It will be said, that we don't 
propose to establish kings. I know it ; but there 
is a natural inclination in mankind to kingly 
government. It sometimes relieves them from 
aristocratic domination. They had rather have 
one tyrant than 500. It gives more of the ap- 
pearance of equality among citizens, and that they 
like. I am apprehensive, therefore, perhaps too 
apprehensive, that the government of these states 
may in future times end in a monarchy. But this 
catastrophe I think may be long delayed, if in our 
proposed system we do not sow seeds of conten- 
tion, faction, and tumult, by making our posts of 
honor places of profit. If we do, I fear that, 
though we do at first employ a number, and not 
a single person, the number will in time be set 
aside ; it will only nourish the fetus of a king, as 
the honorable gentleman from Virginia very 
aptly expressed it, and a king will the sooner be 
set over us." 

Patrick Henry (before Virginia convention). 
14 



210 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

*' When the American spirit was in its youth, the 
language of America was different : liberty, sir, 
was then the ]jrimary object. And again, this 
constitution is said to have beautiful features ; 
but when I come to examine these features, sir, 
they appear to me horribly frightful ; among other 
deformities, it has an awful squinting ; it squints 
toivard monarchy. And does not this raise in- 
dignation in the heart of every true American ? 
Your president may easily become king. . . 
If your American chief be a man of ambition and 
abilities, hoiv easy is it for him to render himself 
absolute. The army is in his hands : and if 
he be a man of address, it tvill be attached to 
him ; and it ivill be the subject of long meditation 
with him to seize the first auspicioiis moment to 
accomplish his design ; and, sir, ivill the Ameri- 
can spirit, solely, relieve youivhen this happens f 
I would rather infinitely, and I am sure most 
of this convention are of the same opinion, have 
a king, lords, and commons, than a government 
so replete with such insupportable evils. If we 
make a king, we may prescribe the rules by 
which he shall rule his people, and interpose such 
checks as shall prevent him from infringing them ; 
bid the president in the field, at the head of his 
army, can prescribe the terms on which he shall 
reign master, so far that it will puzzle any Ameri- 
can ever to get his neck from under the galling 
yoke. " ( Wirt^ Life of Patrick Henry, pp. 279-81 . ) 



CONVENTION SENTIMENTS 211 

Topics for Papers. 

1 How many and what different kinds of ex- 
ecutives are here suggested ? 

2 What different relations to legislative de- 
partments are suggested ? 

3 Who opposed a vigorous executive and on 
what grounds ? Has this danger ever threatened 
our government ? 

4 What men came nearest our executive in 
their notions ? 



XXVIII. 

SENTIMENTS FROM THE CONVENTION 
(Elliot, Debates, v. 5,) 

Mr. Wilson. The British government cannot 
he our model. We have no materials for a similar 
one. Our manners, our laws, the aholition of 
entails and of primogeniture, the whole genius 
of the people, are opposed to it. He did not see 
the danger of tlie states heing devoured hy the 
national government. On the contrary, he wished 
to keep them from devouring the national govern- 
ment. (Elliot, Behates, v. 5, p. 168-69.) 

Mr. Gerry insisted, that the commercial and 
moneyed interest would he more secure in the 
hands of the state legislatures than of the people 
at large. The former have more sense of charac- 



212 ORIGIN oF THE CONSTITUTFON 

ter, and will be restrained by that from injustice. 
The people are for paper money, when the legis- 
latures are against it. (p. 169.) 

Mr. Pinckney moved, ''that the national legis- 
lature should have authority to negative all laws 
which they should judge to be improper." (pp. 
lYO-71.) 

Mr. Madison seconded the motion. He could 
not but regard an indefinite power to negative, 
legislative acts of the states as absolutely neces- 
sary to a perfect system, (p. 171.) 

Dr. Franklin. "^Sir, there are two passions 
which have a powerful influence on the affairs of 
men. These are ambition and avarice ; the love 
of power, and the love of money. Separately, 
each of these has great force in prompting men 
to action ; but when united in view of the same 
object, they have in many minds the most violent 
effects. Place before the eyes of such men a post 
of honor, that shall be at the same time a place 
of profit, and they will move heaven and earth 
to get it. The vast number of sucli places it is 
that renders the British government so tempestu- 
ous. The struggles for them are the true sources 
of all those factions which are perpetually divid- 
ing the nation, distracting its councils, hurrying 
sometimes into fruitless and mischievous wars, 
and of ten compelling a submission to dishonorable 
terms of peace." (p. 115.) 

Colonel Mason. Under the existing confeder- 



CONVENTION SENTIMENTS 213 

acy, congress represents the states, and not the 
people of the states ; their acts operate on the 
states, not on the individuals. The case will be 
changed in the new plan of government. The 
people will be represented ; they ought, therefore, 
to choose the representatives, (p. 161.) 

Mr. Dickinson considered the business as so im- 
portant that no man ought to be silent or reserved. 
He went into a discourse of some length, the sum 
of which was, that the legislative, executive, and 
judiciary departments ought to be made as inde- 
pendent as possible ; but that such an executive 
as some seemed to have in contemplation was not 
consistent with a rejjublic ; that a firm executive 
could only exist in a limited monarchy. In the 
British government itself, the weight of the ex- 
ecutive arises from the attachments which the 
crown draws to itself, and not merely from the 
force of its prerogatives. In place of these at- 
tachments, we must look out for something else. 
One source of stability is the double branch of the 
legislature. The division of the country into dis- 
tinct states formed the other principal source of 
stability. This division ought, therefore, to be 
maintained, and considerable jDowers to be left 
with the states. This was the ground of his consola- 
tion for the future fate of his country. Without 
this, and in case of a consolidation of the states 
into one great republic, we might read its fate in 
the history of smaller ones. (p. 148.) 



214 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

Mr. Butler had been in favor of a single ex- 
ecutive magistrate ; but could he have enter- 
tained an idea that a complete negative on the 
laws was to be given him, he certainly should 
have acted very differently. It had been observed 
that in all countries the executive power is in a 
constant course of increase. This was certainly 
the case in Great Britain. But why might not a 
Catiline or a Cromwell arise in this country as 
well as in others? (p. 153.) 

Mr. Bedford. The little states are willing to 
observe their engagements, but will meet the 
large ones on no ground but that of confedera- 
tion. We have been told, with a dictatorial air, 
that this is the last moment for a fair trial in 
favor of a good government. It will be the last, 
indeed, if the propositions re2)orted from the com- 
mittee go forth to the people. The large states 
dare not dissolve the confederation. If they do, 
the small ones will find some foreign ally, of more 
honor and good faith, who will take them by the 
hand, and do them justice, (p. 2GS.) 

Mr. Pinckney moved to amend Mr. Eandolph's 
motion, so as to make " blacks equal to the whites 
in the ratio of representation." This, he urged, 
was nothing more than justice. The blacks are 
the laborers, the peasants of the southern states. 
They are as productive of pecuniary resources 
as those of the northern states, (p. 305.) 

Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion 



CONVi:^TION SENTIMENTS 215 

that if himself and all his colleagues were to sign 
the constitution and use their personal influence, 
it would be of no avail towards obtaining the as- 
sent of their constituents. South Carolina and 
Georgia cannot do without slaves. 

Mr. Davie said it was high time now to speak 
out. He saw that it was meant by some gentle- 
men to deprive the southern states of any share 
of representation for their blacks. He was sure 
that North Carolina would never confederate on 
any terms that did not rate them at least at three- 
fifths. If the eastern states meant, therefore, to 
exclude them altogether, the business was at an 
end. (p. 303.) 

Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the south- 
ern states import slaves than to part with them, 
if they made that a sine qua non. He was op- 
posed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the 
matter worse, because it implied they were prop- 
erty, (p. 4G1.) 

Mr. Clouverneur Morris. He never would con- 
cur in upholding domestic slavery. . . It was 
the curse of heaven on the states where it j^re- 
vailed. Compare the free regions of the middle 
states, where a rich and noble cultivation marks 
the prosperity and happiness of the people, with 
the misery and poverty which ov^erspreads the 
barren wastes of Virginia, Maryland, and 
the other states having slaves. . . Upon 
what principle is it that slaves shall be computed 



216 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTITUTION 

in the representation ? Are they men ? Then 
make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they 
property ? Why, then, is no other property in- 
cluded ? . . . The admission of slaves into 
the representation, when fairly explained, comes 
to this : That the inhabitant of Georgia and 
South Carolina who goes to the coast of Africa, 
and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of 
humanity, tears away his fellow-creatures from 
their dearest connections, and damns them to the 
most cruel bondage, shall have more votes, in a 
government instituted for the protection of the 
rights of mankind, than the citizen of Pennsyl- 
vania or New Jersey, who views, with a laudable 
horror, so nefarious a practice. . . Domestic 
slavery is the most prominent feature in the 
aristocratic countenance of the proposed constitu- 
tion. The vassalage of the poor has ever been 
the favorite offspring of aristocracy. . . He 
would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying 
for all the negroes in the United States, than 
saddle posterity with such a constitution, (p. 392. ) 



Wilson's speech 217 



XXIX. 

EXTRACTS FROM WILSON'S SPEECH BEFORE THE 

RATIFYING CONVENTION IN DEFENSE 

OF THE CONSTITUTION 

(Bancroft, History of The Constitution, pp. 384-86.) 

"The United States exhibit to the world the 
first instance of a nation unattacked by external 
force, unconvulsed by domestic insurrection, 
assembling voluntarily, deliberating fully, and 
deciding calmly that system of government under 
which they and their posterity should live. To 
form a good system of government for a single 
city or an inconsiderable state has been thought 
to require the strongest efforts of human genius ; 
the views of the convention were expanded to a 
large portion of the globe. 

" The difficulty of the business was equal to its 
magnitude. The United States contain already 
13 governments mutually independent ; their 
soil, climates, productions, dimensions and num- 
bers are different ; in many instances a difference 
and even an opposition subsists among their 
interests and is imagined to subsist in many 
more. Mutual concessions and sacrifices, the 
consequences of mutual forbearance and concilia- 



218 RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 

tion, were indispensably necessary to the success 
of the great work. 

'' The United States may adopt any one of four 
different systems. They may become consohdated 
into one government in which the separate exist- 
ence of the states shall be entirely absolved. 
They may reject any plan of union, and act as 
unconnected states. They may form two or more 
confederacies. They may unite in one federal gov- 
ernment republic. Neither of these systems found 
advocates in the late convention. The remaining 
system is a union in one confederate republic. 

^ ' The expanding quality of a government by 
which several states agree to become an assem- 
blage of societies that constitute a new society, 
capable of increasing by means of further associa- 
tion, is peculiarly fitted for the United States. 
But this form of government left us almost with- 
out precedent or guide. Ancient history discloses, 
and barely discloses, to our view some confederate 
republics. The Swiss cantons are connected only 
by alliances ; the United Netherlands constitute 
no new society ; from the Germanic body little 
useful knowledge can be drawn. 

' ' Since states as well as citizens are represented 
in the constitution before us, and form the objects 
on which that constitution is proposed to operate, 
it is necessary to mention a kind of liberty which 
has not yet received a name. I shall distinguish 
it by the name of federal liberty. The states 



Wilson's speech 219 

should resign to the national government that 
part, and that part only, of their political liberty 
which, if placed in that government, will produce 
more good to the whole than if it had remained in 
the several states. While they resign this part of 
their political liberty, they retain the free and 
generous exercise of all their other faculties, so 
far as it is compatible with the welfare of the 
general and superintending confederacy. 

"The powers of the federal government and 
those of the state governments are drawn from 
sources equally pure. The principle of represen- 
tation, unknown to the ancients, is confined to a 
narrow corner of the British constitution. For 
the American states were reserved the glory and 
happiness of diffusing this vital principle through- 
out the constituent parts of government. 

' ^ The convention found themselves embarrassed 
with another difficulty of peculiar delicacy and 
importance ; I mean that of drawing a proper line 
between the national government and the govern- 
ments of the several states. Whatever object of 
government is confined in its operation and 
effects within the bounds of a particular state, 
should be considered as belonging to the govern- 
ment of that state ; whatever object of govern- 
extends in its operation beyond the bounds of a 
particular state, should be considered as belong- 
ing to the government of the United States. To 
remove discretionary construction, the enumera- 



220 RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 

tion of particular instances in which the applica- 
tion of the principle ought to take place will be 
found to be safe, unexceptionable, and accurate. 

' ' To control the power and conduct of the legis- 
lature by an overruling constitution, limiting and 
superintending the operations of legislative au- 
thority was an improvement in the science and 
practice of government reserved to the American 
state. Oft have I marked with silent pleasure 
and admiration the force and prevalence through 
the United States of the principle that the 
supreme power resides in the people, and that 
they will never part with it. There can be no dis- 
order in the community but may here receive a 
radical cure. Error in the legislature may be 
corrected by the constitution ; error in the consti- 
tution by the people. The streams of power run 
in different directions but they all originally flow 
from one abundant fountain. In this constitu- 
tion all authority is derived from the people." 
(For entire speech see Elliot, Debates, v. 2, p. 
418-34.) 

Topics for Papers. 

1 State briefly the difficulties enumerated in 
first two paragraphs, of making a new govern- 
ment. 

2 What four forms of government were open 
to consideration ? Is it true that the first three 
found no advocates ? 



PATRICK henry's OPPOSITION 221 

3 What nations furnished examples according 
to Wilson ? What other countries offered sug- 
gestion ? 

4 Explain the nature of ^^ federal liberty." 

5 State common source of federal and state 
governments. What is the vital principle in 
each ? 

6 What relations exist between the constitu- 
tion, the people, and the government ? 



XXX. 



PATRICK henry's CHIEF OBJECTIONS TO THE 
CONSTITUTION 

(Wirt, Life of Patrick Henry, p. 283.) 

1 That it was a consolidated, instead of a con- 
federated government ; that in making it so, the 
delegates at Philadelphia had transcended the 
limits of their commission ; changed fundament- 
ally the relations which the states had chosen to 
bear to each other ; annihilated their respective 
sovereignties ; destroyed the barriers which 
divided them ; and converted the whole into one 
solid empire. To this leading objection almost 
all the rest had reference, and were urged princi- 
pally with the view to illustrate and enforce it. 

2 The vast and alarming array of specific powers 
given to the general government and the wide 



00.) 



RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 



door opened for an unlimited extension of those 
powers, by the clause which authorized congress 
to pass all laws necessary to carry the given laws 
into effect. It was urged, that this clause ren- 
dered the previous specifications of powers an 
illusion ; since, by force of construction, congress 
might easily do anything and everything it 
chose. 

3 The unlimited power of taxation of all kinds ; 
the states were no longer to be required, in their 
federative characters, to contribute their re- 
spective proportions towards the expenses and 
engagements of the general government ; but 
congress were authorized to go directly to the 
pockets of the people. . . . Such a power could 
not be exercised without just complaint. . . . 
The representatives in congress were too few to 
carry with them a knowledge of the wants and 
capacities of the people in the different parts of a 
large state. . . . Hence taxation ought to be left to 
the states themselves. . . . Mr. Henry said that 
he was willing to grant this power conditionally : 
i. e., upon the failure of the states to comply with 
requisitions from congress. 

4 The power of raising armies, and building 
navies, and still more emphatically the control 
given to the general government over the militia 
of the states, was most strenuously opposed. . . . 
This republic should not be saddled with the 
expense of maintaining armies and navies . . . 



PATRICK henry's opposittok 228 

to afford a pretext for increased taxes, and an 
augmented debt, and finally to subvert the liber- 
ties of her peoi3le. 

5 The several clauses providing for the federal 
judiciary were objected to, on the ground of the 
clashing jurisdictions of the states and federal 
courts ; and secondly, because infinite power was 
given to congress to multiply inferior federal 
courts at pleasure. 

C It was contended that trial by jury was gone 
in civil cases, by that clause which gives to'^the 
supreme court appellate power over the law and 
the fact in every case. . . . In criminal cases also, 
the trial by jury was worse than gone, because it 
was admitted, that the common law would not be 
m force as to the federal courts. • 

1 The authority of the president to take com- 
mand of the armies of the United States in person, 
was warmly resisted, on the ground that if he 
were a military character, he might easily convert 
them into an engine for the worst of purposes. 

8 The cession of the whole treaty-making power 
to the president and senate was considered as one 
of the most formidable features in the instru- 
ment, inasmuch as it put it in the power of the 
president and any 10 senators, who might repre- 
sent the five smallest states, to enter into the most 
ruinous foreign engagements. 

9 The immense patronage of the president was 
objected to because it placed in his hands the 



224 RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 

means of corrupting the congress, the navy 
and army, and of distributing throughout the 
society, a band of retainers in the shape of judges, 
revenue officers, and tax-gatherers. 

10 It was insisted, that if we must adopt a con- 
stitution ceding away such vast powers, express 
and imphed, and so fraught with danger to the 
liberties of the people, it ought at least to be 
guarded by a bill of rights. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 How many of the points in first paragraph are 
true, and how many are not true, as proven by 
experience ? 

2 What checks upon an abuse by congress of 
its specific powers ? 

3 How much truth in third paragraph ? 

4 Judging from our navy and army in times of 
peace, have the people agreed with Henry ? 

5 Has our country suffered from dangers re- 
counted in paragraphs seven and eight ? 

6 Explain how much of paragraph nine lias 
come true. 



AKGUMENTS AGAINST A BILL OF EIGHTS 225 



XXXI. 

EXTRACTS FROM IREDELL'S OBJECTIONS MADE IN 
NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION AGAINST PUTTING 
A BILL OF RIGHTS IN THE CONSTITUTION 

(Elliot, Debates, v. 4.) 

^' This is a subject of great consideration. It is 
a constitution which has been formed after much 
consideration and deliberation. It has the sanc- 
tion of men of the first character for their probit}^ 
and understanding. It has also had the solemn 
ratification of 10 states in the union. . . I read- 
ily confess my present opinion is strong in its 
favor. I have listened to every objection with 
attention but have not yet heard any that I 
thought would justify its rejection. . . . (p. 5.) 
This clause, vesting the power of impeachment 
in the house of representatives, is one of the 
greatest securities for due execution of all public 
offices. Every government requires it. Every 
man ought to be amenable for his conduct, and 
there are no persons so proper to complain of the 
public officers as the representatives of the people 
at large (p. 32.) . . Many are of the opinion that the 
power of the senate is too great; but I cannot think 
so, considering the great weight which the house 
of representatives will have. The house of repre- 
sentatives will be more numerous than the senate. 
IS 



220 RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 

They will represent the immediate interests of 
the people. . . . There is, always a danger of 
such a house becoming too powerful, and it is 
necessary to counteract its influence by giving 
great weight and authority to the other, (p. 38.) 

. . . The manner in which our senate is to be 
chosen gives us an additional security. Our sena- 
tors will not be chosen by a king, nor tainted by 
his influence. They are to be chosen by different 
legislatures in the union. . . . There is every 
probability that men elected in this manner will 
do their duty faithfully. . . . (p. 40.) 

. . . ' ' The only real security of liberty, in any 
country, is the jealousy and circumspection of 
the people themselves. Let them be watchful 
over their rulers. . . . That power which created 
the government can destroy it. Should this gov- 
ernment, on trial, be found to want amendments, 
these amendments can be made in a regular 
method, in a mode prescribed by the constitution 
itself (p. 130.) ... It is true that it would be 
very improper, if the senate had authority to 
prevent the house of representatives from pro- 
tecting the people. It would be equally so, if the 
house of representatives were able to prevent the 
senate from protecting the sovereignty of the 
states. It is probable that either house would 
have sufficient authority to prevent much mis- 
chief. As to the suggestion of a tendency to aris- 
tocracy, it is totally groundless. . . . The presi- 



AKGiJMENTS AGAINST A BILL OF RIGHTS 227 

dent is only chosen for four years, liable to be 
impeached and dependent on the people at large 
for his re-election. Can this mode of appointment 
be said to have an aristocratical principle in it ? 
The senate is chosen by the legislatures . . Will 
any man say that there are any aristocratical 
principles in a body who have no power inde- 
pendent of the people and whereof one third of 
the members are chosen every second year, by a 
wise and select body of electors ? . . . (p. 133.) 

'' With regard to a bill of rights, this is a no- 
tion originating in England, where no written 
constitution is to be found, and the authority of 
their government is derived from the most re- 
mote antiquity. Magna charta is no constitution, 
but a solemn instrument ascertaining certain 
rights of individuals, by the legislature for the 
time being ; and every article of which the legis- 
lature may at any time alter. . . . Had their 
constitution been fixed and certain, a bill of 
rights would have been useless, for the constitu- 
tion would have shown plainly the extent of that 
authority which they were disputing about. Of 
what use, therefore, can a bill of rights be in 
this constitution, where the people expressly de- 
clare how much power they do give, and conse- 
quently retain all they do not give ? . . . A bill 
of rights would not only be incongruous, but dan- 
gerous. No man could enumerate all the indi- 
vidual rights not relinquished by this constitu- 



228 RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 

tion. ... A bill of rights might operate as a 
snare rather than a protection. . . . Where there 
are powers of a particular nature and expressly 
defined, as in the case of the constitution before 
us, a bill of rights is unnecessary. . . (p. 149.) 

^^The trial by jury is different in different 
states. . . . Had it been inserted in the constitu- 
tion, that the trial by jury should be as it had 
been heretofore, there would have been an exam- 
ple, for the first time in the world, of a judiciary 
belonging to the same government being differ- 
ent parts of the same country. . . The gentleman 
says that unalienable rights ought not to be given 
us. Those rights which are unalienable are not 
alienated. . . Let any one make what enumera- 
tion of rights he pleases, I will immediately men- 
tion 20 or 30 more rights not contained in it. . . 
If this constitution be adopted, it must be pre- 
sumed the instrument will be in the hands of every 
man in America to see whether authority be 
usurped ; and any person by inspecting it may 
see if the power claimed be enumerated." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 State briefly Iredeirs argument in favor of 
the constitution. 

2 What reasons for a bill of rights in the Eng- 
lish constitution ? 

3 Why not a bill of rights in the American 
constitution ? 



PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY 229 

Documents on the National Period 
XXXII. 

WASHINGTON'S PROCLAMATION OF NEUTRALITY 

(Sparks, Writings of George Washington, v. 10, p. 535.) 

^^ Whereas it appears that a state of war exists 
between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, 
and the United Netherlands, on the one part, and 
France on the other ; and the duty and interest of 
the United States require that they should with 
sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a con- 
duct friendly and impartial towards the belligerent 
powers ; 

' ' I have therefore thought fit by these presents 
to declare the disposition of the United States 
to observe the conduct aforesaid towards those 
powers respectively, and to exhort and warn the 
citizens of the United States carefully to avoid 
all acts and proceedings whatsoever, which may 
in any manner tend to contravene such dispo- 
sition. 

' ' And I do hereby also make known that who- 
soever of the citizens of the United States shall 
render himself liable to punishment or forfeiture 
under the law of nations, by committing, aiding, 
or abetting hostilities against any of the said 



230 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

powers, or by carrying to any of them those 
articles which are deemed contraband by the 
modern usage of nations, will not receive the 
protection of the United States against such 
punishment or forfeiture ; and further, that I 
have given instructions to those officers, to whom 
it belongs, to cause prosecutions to be instituted 
against all persons, who shall within the cogni- 
zance of the courts of the United States, violate 
the law of nations with respect to the powers at 
war, or any of them." . . . 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What war is alluded to in the proclamation ? 
Why did Americans take an unusual interest 
in it? 

2 State cause and purpose of the proclamation. 

3 What line of conduct is marked out for the 
people of the United States ? Has this grown 
into a custom or not ? 

4 What is meant by the law of nations ? By 
contraband articles ? 

5 What is the general significance of the proc- 
lamation ? 



KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA IlESOLUTIONS 231 



XXXIII. 

EXTRACTS FROM KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLU- 
TIONS 

(Elliot, Debates, v. 4. pp. 540-545.) 

" Eesolvecl, That this assembly doth emphatic- 
ally and peremptorily declare, that it views the 
powers of the federal government as resulting 
from the compact to which the states are parties, 
as limited by the plain sense and intention of the 
instrument constituting that compact, as no 
further valid than they are authorized by the 
grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in 
case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous ex- 
ercise of other powers, not granted by said com- 
pact, the states who are parties thereto, have the 
right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for 
arresting the progress of the evil and for main- 
taining within their respective limits the author- 
ities, rights and liberties, appertaining to them." 
(Va.) 

''Resolved, . . . that whenever the general 
government assumes undelegated powers, its acts 
are unauthoritative, void, and of no force ; that to 
this compact each state acceded as a state, and is an 
integral party ; that this government, created by 
this compact, was not made the exclusive or final 



232 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

judge of the extent of the powers delegated to 
itself, since that would have made its discretion, 
and not the constitution, the measure of its 
powers ; but that, as in all other cases of compact 
among parties having no common judge, each 
party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well 
of infractions as the mode and measure of re- 
dress." (Ky. 1798.) 

"Resolved, That . . . the several states who 
formed that instrument being sovereign and 
independent, have the unquestionable right to 
judge of the infraction ; and that a nullification 
by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts 
done under color of that instrument, is the right 
ful remedy." (Ky. 1799.) 

Topics for Papers. 

1 According to above resolutions indicate 

a Nature of the organization established 
by the constitution. 

b Extent of powers granted to the general 
government. 

c Who is judge of violations of the consti- 
tution. 

d Remedy for unconstitutional acts. 

2 Which of these doctrines are now held true ? 
What inferences ? 



Jefferson's inaugural 233 

XXXIV. 

Jefferson's first inaugural 

(Jefferson, Writings, v. 8, pp. 1-6.) 

^^ During the contest of opinion through which 
we have passed, the animation of discussion and 
of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which 
might impose on strangers unused to think freely 
and to si^eak and to write what they think ; but 
this being now decided by the A^oice of the nation, 
... all will, of course, arrange themselves under 
the will of the law, and unite in common efforts 
for the common good. All, too, will bear in mind 
this sacred principle, that though the will of the 
majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be 
rightful, must be reasonable ; that the minority 
possess their equal rights, which equal laws must 
protect, and to violate which would be oppression. 
Let us, then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart 
and one mind. . . But every difference of 
opinion is not a difference of principle. We have 
called by different names brethren of the same 
principle. We are all republicans — we are feder- 
alists. If there be any among us who would wish 
to dissolve this union or to change its republican 
form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments 
of the safety with which error of opinion may be 
tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. . . 



234 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest gov- 
ernment on earth. I beheve it is the only one 
where every man, at the call of the laws, would 
fly to the standard of the law and would meet in- 
vasions of the public order as his own personal con- 
cern. . . Still one thing more, fellow-citizens, a 
wise and frugal government, which shall restrain 
men from injuring one another, which shall leave 
them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits 
of industry and improvement, and shall not take 
from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. 
This is the sum of good government and this is 
necessary to close the circle of our felicities. . . It 
is proper that you should understand what I deem 
the essential principles of our government. . . 
Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever 
state or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, 
commerce, and honest friendship, with all nations 
— entangling alliances with none ; the support of 
the state governments in all their rights, as the 
most competent administrations for our domestic 
concerns and the surest bulwarks against anti- 
republican tendencies ; the preservation of the 
general government in its whole constitutional 
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home 
and safety abroad. . . The supremacy of the civil 
over the military authority ; economy in the 
public expense, that labor may be lightly bur- 
dened ; the honest payment of our debts and sacred 
preservation of the public faith." 



EFFECT OF WAR OF 1812 235 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Rights of the minority. 

a Enumerate these rights as found in the 

above. 
h To what particular minority if any, did 

he refer ? 
c What other expressions show Jefferson's 

desire to make friends with the 

minority 1 

2 Good government. 

a What constitutes the sum of good gov- 
ernment ? 

h Enumerate what Jefferson regarded as 
the principles of our government. 

c Are these all still regarded as sound doc- 
trines ? 



XXXV. 

HOW THE WAR OF 1812 NATIONALIZED SENTIMENT 

(Schurz's Clay, v. 1, pp. 64-65 ; 134.) 

Henry Clay in 1811. 

' ' What is the nature of this government 'I It is 
emphatically federal, vested with an aggregate of 
specified powers for general purposes conceded by 
existing sovereignties, who have themselves re- 
tained what is not so conceded. It is said there 



236 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

are cases in which it must act on imphed powers. 
This is not controverted, but the implication must 
be necessary and obviously flow from the enumer- 
ated power with which it is alHed. . . In all cases 
where incidental powers are acted upon, the prin- 
cipal and the incidental ought to be congenial. . . 
and partake of a common nature. The incidental 
power ought to be strictly subordinate and limited 
to the end proposed to be attained by the specific 
power. In other words, under the name of accom- 
plishing our object which is specified, the power 
implied ought not to be made to embrace other 
objects which are not specified in the constitu- 
tion." 

Henry Clay in 1816. 

"The constitution contains powers delegated 
and prohibitory, powers expressed and powers 
constructive. It vests in congress all powers nec- 
essary to give effect to the enumerated powers. 

The powers that may be so necessary are de- 
ducible by construction. They are not defined in 
the constitution. They are in their nature unde- 
finable. With regard to the degree of necessity, 
various rules have been, at different times, laid 
down ; but perhaps, at last, there is no other than 
a sound and honest judgment, exercised under 
the control which belongs to the constitution and 
the people. It is manifest that this necessity may 
not be perceived at one time under one state of 
things. The constitution, it is true, never 



HARTFOPwD CONVENTION 237 

changes ; it is always the same ; but the force of 
circumstances and the Hghts of experience may 
evolve, to the fallible persons charged with its ad- 
ministration, the fitness and necessity of a par- 
ticular exercise of constructive power to-day, 
which they did not see at a former period." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 State the points of resemblance between the 
doctrines of the first extract given above and the 
doctrines of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolu- 
tions. 

2 Compare and contrast the two extracts as to 
their political doctrines. 

3 Draw conclusions based on this comparison 
and contrast. 



XXXVI. 

THE HARTFORD CONVENTION 

(Niles' Weekly Register, v. 7, pp. 308-313.) 

Nature of the Government : 

That the acts of congress in violation of the 
constitution are absolutely void, is an undeniable 
position. It does not, however, consist with the 
respect and forbearance due from a confederate 
state towards the general government to fly to 
open resistance upon every infraction of the con- 



288 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

stitution. The mode and energy of the opposition 
should always conform to the nature of the viola- 
tion, the intention of the authors, and the extent 
of the injury inflicted ; the determination mani- 
fested to persist in it, and the danger of delay. 
But in cases of deliberate, dangerous and palpable 
infractions of the constitution affecting the sov- 
erignty of a state and liberties of the people, 
it is not only the right but the duty of such a 
state, to interpose its authority for their protec- 
tion in the manner best calculated to secure that 
end. When emergencies occur, which are beyond 
the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing 
to admit of the delay incident to their forms, 
states, which have no common umpire, must be 
their own judges, and execute their own decis- 
ions. It will thus be proper for the several states 
to await the obnoxious measures recommended by 
the Secretary of War, or pending before congress, 
and to use their power according to the character 
these measures shall finally assume, as effectu- 
ally to protect their own sovereignty, and the rights 
and liberties of their citizens. 

Amendments to the Constitution : 

Resolved, that the following amendments of 
the constitution of the United States be recom- 
mended to the states represented as aforesaid . . . 
that the said states shall persevere . . . until the 
same shall be effected. 



HARTFORD CONVENTION 239 

First. Representatives and direct taxes shall be 
appointed among the several states . . . accord- 
ing to their respective numbers of free per- 
sons. . . . 

Second. No new state shall be admitted into 
the union by congress . . . without the concur- 
rence of two -thirds of both houses. 

Third. Congress shall not have power to lay an 
embargo . . . for more than sixty days. 

Fourth. Congress shall not have power without 
the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, to 
interdict the commercial intercourse between the 
United States and any foreign nation. . . . 

Fifth. Congress shall not make nor declare 
war . . . without the concurrence of two-thirds 
of both houses. . . . 

Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be natu- 
ralized shall be eligible as a member of the senate 
or house of representatives of the United States, 
nor capable of holding any civil office under the 
authority of the United States. 

Seventh. The same person shall not be elected 
president of the United States a second time ; nor 
shall the president be elected from the same 
state two terms in succession. 

Suggestions for Study. 

1 State the points of agreement with the Ken- 
tucky and Virginia Resolutions and draw conclu- 
sions. 



240 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

2 Contrast with Kentucky and Virginia Reso- 
lutions as to their origin and effects. 

3 Account for the difference in their effects. 

4 Which of tiiese amendments had been dis- 
cussed before ? Which since ? 



XXXVII. 

THE MONROE DOCTRINE 

(Monroe's Message, Dec. 2, 1823. Annals of Congress ; 18th 
Congress.) 

" .... In the wars of the European powers, 
in matters relating to themselves, we have never 
taken any part, nor does it comport with our 
policy so to do. It is only when our rights are 
invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent in- 
juries or make preparation for defense. With 
the movements in this hemisphere we are of ne- 
cessity more immediately connected, and by causes 
which must be obvious to all enlightened and im- 
partial observers. The political system of the 
allied powers is essentially different in this respect 
from that of America. This difference proceeds 
from that which exists in their respective govern- 
ments. And to the defense of our own, which 
has been achieved by the loss of so much blood 
and treasure, and matured by the wisdom C)f their 
most enlightened citizens, and under which we 



MONROE DOCTRINE 241 

have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole 
nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to can- 
dor, and to the amicable relations existing between 
the United States and those powers to declare, 
that we should consider any attempt on their part 
to extend their system to any portion of this hemi- 
sphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. 
With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
European power we have not interfered, and shall 
not interfere. But with the governments who 
have declared their independence, and maintained 
it, and whose independence we have, on great 
consideration, and on just principles, acknowl- 
edged, we could not view any interposition for 
the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in 
any other manner their destiny, by any Euro- 
pean power, in any other light than as the mani- 
festation of an unfriendly disposition towards the 
United States. . . . 

"Our policy in regard to Europe, which was 
adopted at an early stage of the wars which have 
so long agitated that quarter of the globe, never- 
theless remains the same, which is, not to inter- 
fere in the internal concerns of any of its pow- 
ers ; ... to cultivate friendly relations with it, 
and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, 
and manly policy ; meeting, in all instances, the 
just claims of every power, submitting to inju- 
ries from none. But in regard to these conti- 
nents, circumstances are eminently and conspicu- 
i6 



242 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

ously different. It is impossible that the allied 
powers should extend their political system to any 
portion of either continent without endangering 
our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe 
that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, 
would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally 
impossible, therefore, that we should behold such 
interposition, in any form, with indifference. "... 

Topics for Papers 

1 When did the policy stated in the first para- 
graph originate ? 

2 Quote that part of the message which states 
the Monroe doctrine. 

3 What was the policy of our government 
toward the other American governments ? 

4 Why would it endanger our peace for Euro- 
pean powers to extend their political system to 
America ? 

5 Do Americans believe in this doctrine yet ? 
Prove your answer. 



XXXVIII. 
Jackson's proclamation against nullification 

(Elliot, Debates, v. 4, p. 582.) 

" And whereas the said ordinance prescribes to 
the people of South Carolina a course of conduct 



PROCLRMATIOK 243 

in direct violation of their duty as citizens of the 
United States, contrary to the laws of their coun- 
try, subversive of its constitution, and having for 
its object the destruction of the union . . . that 
union which, coeval with our political existence, 
led our fathers, without any other ties to unite 
them than those of patriotism and a common 
cause, through a sanguinary struggle to a glo- 
rious independence — that sacred union hitherto 
inviolate, which, perfected by our happy constitu- 
tion, has brought us, by the favor of heaven, to 
a state of prosperity at home, and a high con- 
sideration abroad, rarely, if ever, equaled in the 
history of nations ; to preserve this bond of our 
political existence from destruction, to maintain 
inviolate this state of national honor and prosper- 
ity, and to justify the confidence my fellow- 
citizens have reposed in me, I, Andrew Jackson, 
President of the United States, have thought 
proper to issue this, my proclamation, stating my 
views of the constitution and laws applicable to 
the measures adopted by the convention of South 
Carolina and to the reasons they have put forth 
to sustain them, declaring the course which duty 
will require me to pursue, and, appealing to 
the understanding and patriotisin of the people, 
warn them of the consequences that must inevi- 
tably result from an observance of the dictates 
of the convention." . . . 

'' The ordinance is founded, not on the indefeas- 



244 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

ible right of resisting acts which are plainly un- 
constitutional and too oppressive to be endured, 
but on the strange position that any one state 
may not only declare an act of congress void, but 
prohibit its execution ; that they may do this con- 
sistently with the constitution ; that the true 
construction of that instrument permits a state 
to retain its place in the union, and 3xt be bound 
by no other of its laws than those it may choose 
to consider as constitutional." . . . 

*■' But reasoning on this subject is superfluous, 
when our social compact, in express terms, de- 
clares that the laws of the United States, its con- 
stitution, and treaties made under it, are the 
supreme law of the land ; and, for greater caution, 
adds that the judges in every state shall be bound 
thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of 
any state to the contrary notwithstanding. And 
it may be asserted without fear of refutation, 
that no federative government could exist with- 
out a similar provision." . . . ''The constitution 
of the United States, then, forms a government, 
not a league ; and whether it be formed by com- 
pact between the states, or in any other manner, 
its character is the same. It is a government in 
which all the people are represented, which 
operates directly on the people individually, not 
upon the states . . . they retained all the power 
they did not grant. But each state having ex- 
pressly parted with so many powers as to consti- 



Jackson's proclamation 245 

tute, jointly with the other states, a single nation, 
cannot, from that period, possess any right to 
secede, because such secession does not break a 
league, but destroys the unity of a nation ; and 
any injury to that unity is not only a breach 
which would result from the contravention of a 
compact, but it is an offense against the whole 
union. To say that any state may at pleasure 
secede from the union, is to say that the United 
States are not a nation ; because it would be a 
solecism to contend that any part of a nation 
might dissolve its connection with the other parts, 
to their injury or ruin, without committing any 
offense." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What was the purpose of the ordinance of 
nullification according to its authors 'i Accord- 
ing to Jackson ? 

2 State fundamental purpose of the proclama- 
tion ? 

3 Ordinance based on erroneous doctrines. 

a What would be true grounds for resist- 
ance ? 

h What is the ground for this ordinance ? 

c Does this ordinance resemble or differ 
from Kentucky and Virginia resolutions ? 

4 Does Jackson interpret the constitution cor- 
rectly ? 

5 State how Jackson's view of nature of the 



246 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

government differs from that asserted in Ken- 
tucky and A^irginia resolutions. 

6 How do you account for such radically differ- 
ent views of members of the same party ? 



XXXIX. 



AGITATION FOR SLAVERY RESTRICTION 

The New York Assembly (1820): Whereas, 
the inhibiting the further extension of slavery in 
these United States is a subject of deep concern 
among the people of this state ; and whereas we 
consider slavery as an evil much to be deplored ; 
and that every constitutional barrier should be in- 
terposed to prevent its further extension ; and the 
constitution of the United States clearly gives 
congress the right to require of new states, not 
comprised within the original boundaries of the 
United States, the prohibition of slavery, as a 
condition of admission. . . . 

The New Jersey Legislature (1820): . . . That 
the further admission of territories into this 
union, without restriction of slavery, would, in 
their opinion, essentially impair the right of this 
and other existing states to • equal representation 
in congress . . . That inasmuch as congress 
have a clear right to refuse the admission of a 
territory into the union . . . they ought in the 



AGITATION FOR SLAVERY RESTRICTION 247 

present case to exercise their absolute discretion 
in order to preserve the political rights of the 
several existing states, and prevent the great 
national disgrace and multiplied mischiefs. . . . 

The Legislature of Pennsylvania (1819) : . . . 
That the senators of this state . . , are hereby- 
instructed and that the representatives . . . are 
hereby requested, to vote against the admission of 
any territory as a state into the union unless said 
territory shall stipulate and agree that the fur- 
ther introduction of slavery . . . shall be pro- 
hibited. 

Legislature of Delaware (1820) : . . . That it 
is, in the opinion of this General Assembly, the 
constitutional right of the United States, in con- 
gress assembled, to enact and establish, as one of 
the conditions for the admission of a new state 
into the union a provision which shall effectually 
prevent the further introduction of slavery into 
such state ; and that a true regard for the interests 
of such state, as well as of the other states, require 
that the same shall be done. . . . 

The Ohio Legislature (1820) : Whereas, the 
existence of slavery in our country has ever been 
deemed a great moral and political evil, and its 
tendency directly calculated to impair our national 
character, and materially affecting our national 
happiness, and inasmuch as, the extension of a 
slave population in the United States is fraught 
with the most fearful consequences to the per- 



248 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

manency and durability of our republican institu- 
tions , . . resolved . . . that our senators and 
representatives in congress be requested to use 
their zealous endeavors to prevent the adoption of 
so odious and dangerous a measure. ... 

The Wilmot Proviso (1S46) : Provided, that as 
an express and fundamental condition to the ac- 
quisition of any territory from the republic of 
Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any 
treaty which may be negotiated between them, 
and to the use by the executive of the moneys 
herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involun- 
tary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said 
territory. . . . 



XL. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE FREE SOIL PLATFORM, 1848 
(Political Text-Book for 1860.) 

That we, the people here assembled, remember- 
ing the example of our fathers, in the days of the 
first declaration of independence, putting our 
trust in God for the triumph of our cause, and 
invoking His guidance in our endeavors to ad- 
vance it, do now plant ourselves upon the national 
platform of freedom in opposition to the sectional 
platform of slavery. 

That slavery in the several states of this union 



FREE SOIL PLATFORM 249 

which recognize its existence, depends upon state 
laws alone, which cannot be repealed or be mod- 
ified by the federal government, and for which 
laws that government is not responsible. We 
therefore propose no interference by congress 
with slavery within the limits of any state. 

That the true, and in the judgment of this 
convention, the only safe means of preventing 
the extension of slavery into territory now free, 
is to prohibit its extension in all such territory by 
an act of congress. 

That we accept the issue which the slave power 
has forced upon us, and to their demand for more 
slave states, and more slave territory, our calm 
but final answer is, no more slave states and no 
more slave territory. 

That we inscribe on our own banner, ^'Free 
soil, free speech, free labor, and free men," and 
under it we will fight on and fight ever until a 
triumphant victory shall reward our exertions. 

Topics for Papers 

1 Why do they refer to declaration of inde- 
pendence ? 

2 What conclusion was drawn from the fact 
that slavery was a state institution ? 

8 How could congress, with no power over it 
in the states, prohibit slavery in the territories ? 
4 When did the north begin to demand con- 



250 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

gressional prohibition of slavery in the territo- 
ries ? 

5 Why could slavery not accept this position 
right or wrong ? 

6 State the issue attaching to each of the 
quoted phrases in last paragraph. 



XLI. 

HENRY CLAY ON THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 

(Political Text-Book for 1860, p. 77.) 

^'1 am extremely sorry to hear the senator 
from Mississippi say that he requires, first, the 
extension of the Missouri compromise line to the 
Pacific, and also that he is not satisfied with that, 
but requires, if I understood him correctly, a 
positive provision for the admission of slavery 
south of that line. And now. Sir, coming from 
a slave state, as I do, I owe it to myself, I owe it 
to truth, I owe it to the subject to state that no 
earthly power could induce me to vote for a spe- 
cific measure for the introduction of slavery where 
it had not before existed, either south or north 
of that line. Coming as I do from a slave state, it 
is my solemn, deliberate and well-matured deter- 
mination that no power, no earthly power, shall 
compel me to vote for the positive introduction 
of slavery either south or north of that line. Sir, 



COMPKOMISE OF 1850 261 

while you reproach, and justly too, our British 
ancestors for the introduction of this institution 
upon the continent of America I am, for one, un- 
willing that the posterity of the present inhab- 
itants of California and New Mexico, shall re- 
proach us for doing just what we reproach Great 
Britain for doing to us. If the citizens of those 
territories choose to establish slavery, I am for 
admitting them with such provisions in theii 
constitutions ; but then it will be their own work, 
and not ours, and their posterity will have to re- 
proach them, and not us, for forming constitu- 
tions allowing the institution of slavery to exist 
among them. These are my views, Sir, and I 
choose to express them ; and I care not how ex- 
tensively and universally they are known. . . . 
I am willing to stand aside and make no legisla- 
tive enactment one way or the other — to lay off 
the territories without the Wilmot Proviso, on 
the one hand, with which I understand we are 
threatened, or without an attempt to introduce a 
clause for the introduction of slavery into the 
territories." 

Suggestions for Study. 

1 Was Henry Clay an anti-slavery man ? Give 
proofs. 

2 Did Free-soil men agree with this speech ? 
Why? 

3 What principle guided Clay in the above 
discussion ? 



252 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

4 What two extremes did he avoid ])y this plan 
of organizing tiie territories ? 



XLII. 

THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT 

Lincohi before the Illinois Republican State Con- 
vention June 16, 1858 : — 

^ ' If we could first know where we are, and 
whither we are tending, we could better judge 
what to do, and how to do it. We are now far 
into the fifth year since a policy was initiated 
with the avowed object and confident promise of 
putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the 
operation of that policy that agitation has not 
only not ceased but has constantly augmented. 
In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall 
have been reached and passed. " A house divided 
against itself cannot stand." I believe this gov- 
ern ment cannot endure permaneutly half slave 
and half free. I do not expect the union to be dis- 
solved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I 
do expect it will cease to be divided. It will be- 
come all one thing or all the other. Either the 
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread 
of it, and place it where the public mind shall 
rest in the belief that it is in the course of ulti- 



THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT 25B 

mate extinction ; or its advocates will push it 
forward till it shall become alike lawful in all 
the states, old as well as new, North as well as 
South."— Works of Lincoln, vol. 1, p. 2-^0. 

Seward at Rochester, N. Y., Oct 25, 1858 :— 
'' . . . But in another aspect the United States 
constitute only one nation. Increase of popula- 
tion, which is filling the states out to their very 
borders, together with a new and extended net- 
work of railroads and other avenues, and an in 
ternal commerce which daily becomes more in- 
timate, is rapidly bringing the states into a higher 
and more perfect social unity or consolidation. 
Thus, these antagonistic systems are continually 
coming into closer contact, and collision re- 
sults. 

"Shall I tell you what this collision means? 
They who think that it is accidental, unnecessary, 
the work of interested, or fanatical agitators, and 
therefore ephemeral, mistake these altogether. 
It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and 
enduring forces, and it means that the United 
States must and will, sooner or later, become 
either entirely a slaveholding nation, or a free-labor 
nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South 
Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana 
will ultimately be tilled by free-labor ... or else 
the rye-fields and wheat-fields of Massachusetts 
and New York must again be surrendered by their 



254 Period of nationality 

farmers to slave culture. . . It is the failure to 
apprehend this great truth that induces so many 
unsuccessful attempts at final compromise be- 
tween the slave and the free states. . . . 

'' I know and you know that a revolution has 
begun. I know and all the world knows that 
revolutions never go backwards. Twenty sen- 
ators and a hundred representatives proclaim 
boldly in congress to-day sentiments and opinions 
and principles of freedom which hardly so many 
men, even in this free state, dared to utter in 
their own homes twenty years ago." 

Suggestions for study. 

1 To what policy does Lincoln refer in his second 
sentence ? Is his statement of its purpose and re- 
sult true ? Prove. 

2 Does the conflict seem an irrepressible one to 
Lincoln ? Prove. 

3 What fundamental cause does Seward find 
for this conflict ? 

4 Name the points of agreement between the 
two extracts. 

5 Why did men compromise, and why did com- 
promises fail ? 



LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS 256 

XLIII. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATES 

(Complete Works of Lincoln, v. 1, pp. 308, 315.) 

Lincoln's Questions to Douglas : 

'' 1 If the people of Kansas shall, by means en- 
tirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt 
a state constitution, and ask admission into the 
union under it, before they have the requisite 
number of inhabitants according to the English 
bill, — some ninety- three thousand, — will you vote 
to admit them ? 

" 2 Can the people of a United States territory, 
in any lawful way, against the wish of any cit- 
izen of the United States, exclude slavery from 
its limits prior to the formation of a state consti- 
tution ? 

" 3 If the Supreme Court of the United States 
shall decide that states cannot exclude slavery 
from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing 
in, adopting and following such decision, as a rule 
of action ? 

'^4 Are you in favor of acquiring additional 
territory, in disregard of how such acquisition 
may affect the nation on the slavery question ? " 

Douglas's answer to the second question. 

. . . ' ^ I answer emphatically . . . that, in my 



256 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

opinion, the people of a territory can, by lawful 
means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to 
the formation of a state constitution. ... It 
matters not what way the Supreme Court may 
hereafter decide as to the abstract question, 
whether slavery may or may not go into a ter- 
ritory under the constitution, the people have the 
lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they 
please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a 
day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported 
by local police regulations. Those police regula- 
tions can only be established by the local legis- 
lature, and if the people are opposed to slavery 
they will elect representatives to that body who 
will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent 
the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the 
contrary, they are for it, their legislation will 
favor its extension." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What were some of the questions before the 
people in 1858 ? 

2-Show the relation between Lincoln's second 
question and the Dred Scott Decision. 

3-In what dilemma did the second question 
place Douglas ? Explain. 

4 State the effects of Douglas's answer : 
a-On the canvass for the senatorship 
h- On the slaveholders. 



THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 257 

XLIV. 

SENTIMENTS FROM THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 

(Political Text-Book for 1860.) 

Mr. Avery of North Carolina — I have stated 
that we demand at the hands of our northern 
brethren . . . that the great principle which we 
cherish should be recognized, and ... I speak 
the common sentiments of our constituents at 
home ; and I intend no reflection upon those who 
entertain a different opinion, when I say that the 
results and ultimate consequences to the southern 
states of this confederacy, if the popular sover- 
eignty doctrine be adopted as the doctrine of the 
democratic party, would be as dangerous and 
subversive of their rights as the adoption of the 
principle of congressional intervention or prohibi- 
tion. We say that, in a contest for the occupa- 
tion of the territories of the United States, the 
southern men encumbered with slaves cannot 
compete with the emigrant aid society at the 
north. We say that the emigrant aid society 
can send a voter to one of the territories of the 
United States, to determine a question relat- 
ing to slavery, for the sum of $200, while it 
would cost the southern man the sum of 
$1500. . . . 
17 



258 IPERIOD Of nationality 

Let us make a platform about which there can 
be no doubt, so that every man, north and south, 
may stand side by side on all issues connected 
with slavery. . . . All we demand at your hands 
is, that there shall be no equivocation and no 
doubt in the popular mind as to what our prin- 
ciples are. 

Mr. Mouton of Louisiana — Are we not di- 
vided, and divided in such a manner that we 
can never be reconciled, because we are divided 
upon principle ? Can we agree to the platform 
adopted by the majority of the convention, and 
then go home to our constituents and put one 
construction on it, while noithern democrats put 
another ? No, Mr. President, I think I speak the 
sentiment of my state when I say that she will 
never play such a part (cheers). If we are to 
fight the black republicans together, let us do it 
with a bold front ; let us use the same arms ; let 
us sustain the same principles. 

Mr. Milton o/i^/or^c?a— Since that time, gentle- 
men, according to your own report, a mighty 
power has arisen in your midst, deriving much of 
its strength and support from the democrats of 
the north. I allude to the black republican party, 
a party which promulgates to the country that 
they have a higher law, a law known only to 
themselves, . . . but superior to the constitu- 
tion. 

Mr. Bryan of Texas (who was received with 



THE CHARLESTON CONVENTION 259 

loud cheers)— Mr. President and gentlemen of 
the convention : Texas, through her delegates 
on this floor, on the land of Calhoun, where 
^' truths justice and the constitution," was pro- 
claimed to the south, says to the south, this day 
you stand erect (loud cheers). Whilst we depre- 
cate the necessity which calls for our parting 
with the delegates from the other states of this 
confederacy, yet it is an event that we, person- 
ally, have long looked to. Educated in a north- 
ern college, I there first learned that there was a 
north and a south ; there were two literary 
societies, one northern and the other southern. 
In the churches, the Methodist churcli, the Bap- 
tist church, the Presbyterian church, are north 
and south. Gentlemen of the north and north- 
west, God grant that there may be but one demo- 
cratic party. 

Mr. Gaulden of Georgia — I am an African 
slave-trader. I am one of those southern men 
who believe that slavery is right, morally, relig- 
iously, socially and politically (applause). I be- 
lieve that the institution of slavery has done 
more for this country, more for civilization, than 
all other interests put together. I believe if it 
were in the power of this country to strike dow^n 
the institution of slavery, it would put civiliza- 
tion back 200 years. ... I believe that the 
general government by the constitution never 
had any right to legislate upon this subject. I 



260 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

believe that our government was a confederation 
of states for certain specified objects with limited 
powers ; that the domestic relations of each state 
are to be and should be left to themselves ; that 
this eternal slavery question has been the bone of 
contention between the north and south, which if 
kept in the halls of congress must break up this 
government. I am one of those who believe in 
non-intervention, either in the states or the terri- 
tories (applause). I am not in favor of breaking 
up this government upon an impracticable issue, 
upon a mere theory. I believe that this doctrine 
of protection to slavery in the territories is a 
mere theory, a mere abstraction (applause). 
Practically it can be of no consequence to the 
south, for the reason that the infant has been 
strangled before it was born (laughter). You 
have cut off the supply of slaves ; you have 
crippled the institution of slavery in the states by 
your unjust laws, and it is mere folly and mad- 
ness now to ask for protection for a nonentity, 
for a thing which is not there. . . . We can 
never make another slave state with our present 
supply of slaves. ... If you make another 
slave state from our new territories with the 
present supply of slaves you will be obliged to 
give up another state, either Maryland, Delaware, 
or Virginia, to free soil upon the north. . . . 
We, the democracy of the south, are mere carj^et 
knights. It is no trouble for us to be democrats 



THE CONSPIRACY 261 

(applause and laughter). When I look to the 
northern democrats, I see them standing up there 
and breasting the tide of fanaticism, oppression, 
wrong, and shmder, with which they have to 
contend. I view in these men types of the old 
ancient Romans ; I view in them all that is patri- 
otic and noble ; and, for one, I am not willing to 
cut loose from them (great cheering). ... I 
am not willing to disintegrate, dismember, and 
turn them over to the ruthless hands of the thiev- 
ing black republicans of the north. 

Topics. 

1 To what great principle does Mr. Avery refer ? 

2 Prove that popular sovereignty was danger- 
ous to the south. 

3 Why did it cost the south more than the 
north to send emigrants to Kansas ? 

4 What is the meaning of Bryan's speech ? 

5 Why did Gaulden please the convention ? 



XLV. 



EXTRACTS SHOWING THE GROWTH OF A CON- 
SPIRACY 

(Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, v. 2, p[). 300-326.) 

'^ He (Gov. Wise) says the governors of N. C, 
S. C, and La., have already agreed to rendezvous 



262 PEPaOD OF NATIONALITY 

at Raleigh . . . He says, further, that he had of- 
ficially requested you to exchange with Virginia 
. . . percussion for flint muskets. . . . Virginia 
probably has more arms than the other southern 
states, and would divide in case of need. In a 
letter yesterday to a committee in South Carolina, 
I give it as my judgment, in case of Fremont's 
election, the south should not pause, but proceed 
at once to immediate, absolute, and eternal 
separation." — J. M. Mason, Senator from Vir- 
ginia to Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, Sept. 
30, 1856. 

' ' But if we could do as our fathers did — organize 
committees of safety all over the cotton states 
... we shall fire the southern heart and instruct 
the southern mind . . . and, at the proper mo- 
ment, by one organized concerted action we can 
precipitate the cotton states into revolution." — 
Wm. L. Yancy, Ala., June, 1858. 

'^ The objects of the association are : 

^' First. To conduct a correspondence with lead- 
ing men in the south, and by an interchange of 
information and views prepare the slave states to 
meet the impending crisis. 

^' Second. To prepare, print, and distribute in the 
slave states, tracts, pamphlets, etc., designed to 
awaken them to a conviction of their danger, and 
to urge the necessity of resisting Northern and 
Federal aggression. 

^^ Third. To inquire into the defenses of the state, 



THE CONSPIRACY 263 

and to collect and arrange information which 
may aid the legislature to establish promptly an 
efficient military organization." — Robert N. Goiir- 
din, Chairman Executive Committee of ^'The 
1860 Association," Nov. 19, 1860. 

*' While engaged in consultation with the gov- 
ernor (of Miss.) ... a telegraphic message was 
handed me from two members of Mr. Buchanan's 
cabinet. . . My presence there was desired on 
account of the influence ... I might exercise 
with the president. . . On paying my respects 
to the president, he told me that he had finished 
the rough draft of his message, but that it was 
still open to revision and amendment, and that he 
would like to read it to me. He did so and very 
kindly accepted all the modifications which I sug- 
gested. The message was, however, afterwards 
somewhat changed." — Jefferson Davis, Nov. 1860. 

' ' I think it likely that the president will state 
forcibly what he considers the grievances of the 
south, that he will add that he does not think 
... it wise policy for the state to adopt (seces- 
sion) ... As long as Cobb and Thompson retain 
seats in the cabinet, you may feel Confident that 
no action has been taken which seriously affects 
the position of any southern state." — W. H. Tres- 
cott, Assistant Secretary of State, to T. F. Dray- 
ton, Nov. 19, 1860. 

^^ I arrived here . . . from New York where I 
had gone at the suggestion of Mr. Floyd to en- 



264 PERIOD OP NATIONALITY 

gage Mr. G. B. Lamar, president of the Bank of 
the Republic, to make an offer to the secretary for 
such a number of muskets as we might require 
. . . and to-day the secretary has written to the 
commanding officer [at] Watervliet arsenal to 
deliver five or ten thousand muskets ... to Mr. 
Lamar's order. . . I am very anxious to get pos- 
session of the arms . . . and forward them to 
Charleston."— r. F. Drayton to Gov. Gist of S. 
C, Washington, Nov. 23, 1860. 

Topics. 

1 Make a list of persons named and of their 
official positions. 

2 State briefly what each was trying to do. 

3 Draw conclusions from above extracts. 



XLVI. 

THE CAUSE AND MOTIVE OF SECESSION 
(From Nicolay and Hay's Lincoln, v. 2, pp. 408-409.) 

' ' They (the border states) say that we have no 
right to take them out of the union against their 
will. I want to know what right they have to 
keep us in the union against our will. If we 
want to go out let us go. If they want to stay 
let them stay. They are sovereign and inde- 
pendent states, and have a right to decide these 



CAUSE AND JNIOTIVE OF SECESSION 265 

questions. ... I am satisfied, however, that they 
will go, when the time -comes for them to decide. 
But, sir, they complain of us that we make so 
much noise and confusion on the subject of 
fugitive slaves when we are not affected by the 
vitiated public sentiment of the northern states. 
... I know that \ve do not suffer in this respect ; 
it is not the want of good faith in the northern 
people, so far as the reclamation of fugitive slaves 
is concerned, that is causing the southern states 
around the Gulf of Mexico and the Southern 
Atlantic coast to move in this great revolution. 
. . . Sir, we look infinitely beyond this petty 
loss of a few negroes. We know what is coming 
in this union. It is universal emancipation. , . . 
We intend to avoid it if we can." — Senator Iver- 
son, of Georgia, in the Senate, Dec, 1860.) 

'' Our position is thoroughly identified with the 
institution of slavery — the greatest material in- 
terest in the world. ... A blow at slavery is a 
blow at commerce and civilization. That blow 
has long been aimed at the institution, and was 
at the point of reaching its consummation. There 
was no choice left us but submission to the man- 
dates of abolition, or a dissolution of the union, 
whose principles had been subverted to work out 
our ruin. We must either submit to degrada- 
tion, and loss of property worth four billions of 
money, or we must secede from the union." — 
(Mississippi Secession Convention, Jan. 1861.) 



266 PEIIIOD OF NATIONALITY 

''The prevailing ideas entertained by him (Jef- 
ferson) and most of the leading statesmen at the 
time of the formation of the old constitution, 
were that the enslavement of the African was in 
violation of the laws of nature ; that it was 
wrong in principle, socially, morally, and polit- 
ically, . . . Our new government is founded 
upon exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations 
are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great 
truth that the negro is not the equal of the white 
man. . . . This, our new government, is the 
first, in the history of the world, based upon this 
great physical, philosophical and moral truth. 
. . . This stone which was rejected by the first 
builders ' is become the chief of the corner ' — the 
real corner-stone — in our new edifice." — Vice-Pre- 
sident Stephens at Savannah, 1861. 

Suggestions for Study. 

1 What motive for secession seemed uppermost 
in the southern mind ? 

2 Are any other causes given ? 

3 Search for a cause or motive not connected 
with slavery. 

4 What inferences do you draw from your 
search ? 



Lincoln's first inaugural 267 

XL VII. 

LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL 

(Works of Lincoln, v. 2, p. 1-7.) 

** Fellow-citizens of the United States : Incom- 
pliance with a custom as old as the government 
itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, 
and to take in your presence the oath prescribed 
by the constitution of the United States, to be 
taken by the president before he enters upon the 
execution of his office. . . 

' ^ Apprehension seems to exist among the peo- 
ple of the southern states, that by the accession of 
a republican administration, their property and 
their peace and their personal security are to be 
endangered. There has never been any reason- 
able cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the 
most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
while existed and been open to their inspection. 
It is found in nearly all the published speeches 
of him who now addresses you. I do but quote 
from one of those speeches when I declare that I 
have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to inter- 
fere with the institution of slavery, in the states 
where it exists. I believe I have no lawful 
right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. 
Those who nominated and elected me, did so with 



268 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

a full knowledge that I had made this and many 
similar declarations and had never recanted 
them. . . 

" I now reiterate these sentiments, and in do- 
ing so, I only press upon the public attention the 
most conclusive evidence of which the case is sus- 
ceptible, that the property, peace and security of 
no section, are to be in any wise endangered by 
the new incoming administration. . . I hold, that 
in contemplation of universal law, and of the 
constitution, the union of the states is perpet- 
ual. . . In doing this there need be no bloodshed 
or violence ; and there shall be none, unless it be 
forced upon the national authority. The power 
confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and 
possess the property and places belonging to the 
government and to collect the duties and imposts ; 
but beyond what may be necessary for these ob- 
jects, there will be no invasion, no using of force 
against or among the people anywhere. Where 
hostility to the United States, in any interior 
locality shall be so great and universal as to pre- 
vent competent resident citizens from holding the 
federal offices, there will be no attempt to force 
obnoxious strangers among the people for that 
object. While the strict legal right may exist in 
the government, to enforce the exercise of these 
offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritat- 
ing, and so nearly impracticable, withal, that I 



LINCOLN *S FIE ST INAUGURAL 200 

deem it better to forego, for the time, the use of 
such offices. . . 

"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. 
We cannot remove our respective sections from 
each other, nor build an impassable wall between 
them. A husband and wife may be divorced, 
and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach 
of each other, but the different parts of our coun- 
try cannot do this. . . 

* ' This country, with its institutions, belongs to 
the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall 
grow weary of the existing government, they can 
exercise the constitutional right of amending it, 
or their revolutionary right to dismember or over- 
throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that 
many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous 
of having the national constitution amended. . . 

"My countrymen, one and all, think calmly 
and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valu- 
able can be lost by taking time. If there be an 
object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step 
which you would never take deliberately, that 
object will be frustrated by taking time. Such 
of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old 
constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive 
point, the laws of your own framing under it ; 
while the new administration will have no im- 
mediate power, if it would, to change either. If 
it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied 
hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no 



270 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

single good reason for precipitate action. Intel- 
ligence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reli- 
ance on Him who has never yet forsaken this 
favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the 
best way, all our present difficulty. In your 
hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and 
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war, 
The government will not assail you. 

''You can have no conflict without being your- 
selves the aggressors. You have no oath registered 
in heaven to destroy the governinent, while I 
shall have the most solemn one to preserve, pro- 
tect and defend it. 

"lam loath to close. We are not enemies, 
but friends. We must not be enemies ; though 
passion may have strained, it must not break our 
bonds of affection. 

''The mystic chords of memory, stretching 
from every battle-field and patriot grave to every 
living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad 
land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when 
again touched, as surely they will be by the better 
angels of our nature." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What was the situation when this was de- 
livered ? 

2 What was the south's feeling toward Lincoln 
and his administration ? 

3 Lincoln's proposed policy. 



south's appeal to the border states. 271 

a What is it in regard to slavery ? 

b What if the south seizes the nation's 

property ? 
c Was this a wise policy at the time ? Why ? 
4: Does not Lincoln admit the right of the south 
to dismember the government ? Prove your 
answer. 

5 Is this inaugural in harmony with Seward's 
' ' Irrepressible Conflict 'i " Give citations to prove 
your answer. 



XL VIII. 

THE SOUTH'S appeal TO THE BORDER STATES 

"... The people of the confederate states 
have long watched with deepest sympathy the 
wrongs and outrages that have been inflicted 
upon the citizens of a commonwealth allied to 
the states of the south by the strongest social, 
political and commercial ties, and reduced to a 
condition of a conquered province. . . Your 
citizens have been arrested and imprisoned upon 
no charge, and contrary to all law. . . 

'' The government of your chief city has been 
usurped by armed strangers, your legislature has 
been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its 
members ; freedom of the press and of speech 
has been suppressed. . . and citizens ordered to 



272 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

be tried by military commissions for what they 
may dare to speak. . . The people of the south 
have long wished to aid you in throwing off this 
foreign yoke, to enable you again to enjoy the 
inalienable rights of freemen. . . 

'' In obedience to this wish, our army has come 
among you. . . . We know no enemies among 
you, and will protect all of you in every opinion. 

'^ . . . While the southern people will welcome 
you to your natural position among them, they 
will only welcome you when you come of your 
own free will." — Gen. Lee to the people of Mary- 
land, Sept. 1S62. 

"... We come, not as conquerors or de- 
spoilers, but to restore to you the liberties of which 
you have been deprived by a relentless foe. We 
come to guarantee to all the sanctity of their 
homes and altars ; to punish with a rod of iron 
the despoilers of your peace and to avenge the 
cowardly insults to your women. . . 

" Believing that the heart of Kentucky is with 
us in our great struggle for constitutional 
freedom, we have transferred from our own soil 
to yours ... a powerful and well disciplined 
army. Your gallant Buckner leads the van. 
Marshall is on the right, while Breckenridge 
... is advancing with Kentucky's valiant sons 
to receive the honor and applause due to their 
heroism. . . Will you remain indifferent to 
our call, or will you vindicate the fair fame of 



south's appeal to the border states 273 

your once free and envied state ? We believe 
you will. . . 

' ' We have come with joyous hopes. Let us not 
depart in sorrow, as we shall, if we find you 
wedded ... to your present lot. If you prefer 
federal rule show it by your frowns. . . 

" Women of Kentucky ! Your persecutions 
and heroic bearings have reached our ears. . . 
Buckle on the armor of your kindred, your hus- 
bands, sons, and brothers, and scoff with shame 
him who would prove recreant in his duty to you, 
his country and his God.''— Gen. Bragg to the 
people of Kentucky, Sept., 1862. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What do you infer was the common purpose 
of these addresses ? 

2 Enumerate the common arguments the 
generals used. 

3 How do you account for the fact that the fed- 
eral government had been so hard on Maryland ? 

4 What does General Lee mean by Maryland 
and the south being allied by common ties ? 
Were the south and the Kentuckians so allied ? 
Explain. 

5 Since Lee and Bragg did not remain long in 
these states, what inferences can you draw ? 

i8 



274 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

XLIX. 

ENGLISH OPINION ON THE CIVIL WAR 

{BlackumocTs Magazine, v. 91, pp. 129-30, Jan, 1862.) 

*' The questions of the recognition of the south- 
ern confederacy and the raising of tlie ineffectual 
blockade, in conjunction with France, are entitled 
to be immediately considered. As it is, our neu- 
trality tells against the south. ... If we are 
. . . certain of the captiousness and hostility of 
the north, let us at least do something to secure 
the friendship of the south. 

'^ And the south, so far as can be seen, deserve 
recognition, independence, and sympathy. Their 
onl}^ crime has been a desire to take no further 
part in a system to which not even the letter, far 
less the spirit, of the law can prove that they were 
bound by any princiiDle stronger than convenience, 
and the operation of which they declare to have 
been intolerably oppressive. It is natural that 
the}^ should object to accept an Abraham Lincoln 
as their chief man, and to have their destinies in- 
fluenced by such a cabinet and mob as that of the 
north, when, as they have shown, they can do so 
much better for themselves. They have chosen 
as president a man of judgment and conduct, who 
can give to their impulses unity of action, and 



EKGLTSH OPINION ON THE CIVIL WAR 275 

can both excite and control their enthusiasm. . . 
A war between England and the north will, at 
l^ast, have the good effects of shortening the suf- 
ferings and hastening the independence of a peo- 
ple who are proving themselves very capable of 
self-government, who will at once assume a cred- 
itable position among nations, and who will act 
as a permanent check on northern turbulence. 
And it is to be hoped that if war it is to be, we 
may put our whole strength and will into it, and 
conduct it so as to leave the orators and writers 
of the north ... no possibility of turning its 
incidents to our disadvantage and to their own 
glorification." 

{Quarterly Review, London, April, 1862, p. 273. ) 

^' At all events they are now undeceived as to the 
real attitude of England. They must see that it 
is dangerous to try her patience too far. . . . 
But in the meantime if, as we believe will be the 
case, the confederate states are strong enough to 
maintain a separate government . . . and hold 
their own against all the efforts of the north, the 
question will seriously occur how long the recog- 
ition of their independence by foreign powers is to 
be delayed." 

(Johnston, Representative American Orations, y. 3, pp. 213-42.) 

** . . . But I do say that your own children 
. . . ought to be nearer to you than any people 



270 PEPaOD OF NATIONALITY 

of a strange tongue (a voice : ^ Degenerate sons, 
applause and hisses ; another voice : ' What about 
the Trent ? '). If there had been any feelings of 
bitterness in America, let me tell you, they had 
been excited, rightly or wrongly, under the im- 
pression that Great Britain was going to intervene 
between us and our lawful struggle (a voice : 
^No!' and applause). With the evidence that 
there is no such intention all bitter feeling will 
pass away (applause) . . . and we say that the 
utterance of Lord Eussell at Blairgowrie (ap- 
plause, hisses, and a voice : ' What about I^ord 
Brougham ? '), together with the declaration of the 
government in stopping war-steamers here (great 
uproar, and applause) has gone far toward quiet- 
ing every fear and removing every apprehension 
from our minds (uproar and shouts of applause) 
. . . And although I am in spirit perfectly will- 
ing to answer any question, and more than glad 
of the chance, yet I am by this very unnecessary 
opposition to-night incapacitated physically from 
doing it. " — Henry Ward Beecher, at Liverpool, 
Eng., Oct., 1863. 

THE TRENT AFFAIR 

(Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, v. 5, pp. 37, 28, 30, 39.) 

*^ . . . The Washington government should be 
told that what has been done is a violation of 
international law and of the rierhts of Great Brit- 



ENGLISH OPINION ON THE CIVIL WAR 277 

ain, and that your Majesty's government trust 
that the act will be disavowed, and the prisoners 
set free and restored to British protection ; and 
that Lord Lyons should be instructed that, if this 
demand is refused, he should retire from the 
LTnited States/' — Lord Palmerston to the Queen. 

'^ He (Prince Albert) could eat no breakfast and 
looked very wretched. But still he was well 
enough on getting up to make a draft for me to 
write to Lord Eussell in correction of his draft to 
Lord Lyons, sent me yesterday, which Albert did 
not approve." — Queen^s Diary. 

'' My wish would be that atyour first interview 
with Mr. Seward you should not take my dispatch 
with you, but should prepare him for it and ask 
him to settle it with the president and the cabinet 
what course they will propose. The next time 
you should bring my dispatch and read it to him 
fully. If he asks what will be the consequence 
of his refusing compliance, I think you should say 
that you wish to leave him and the president quite 
free to take their own course, and that you desire 
to abstain from anything like menace." — Lord 
Russell to Lord Lyons. 

^^ If I decide this case in favor of my own gov- 
ernment I must disavow its most cherished prin- 
ciples, and reverse and forever abandon its essen- 
tial policy . . . If I maintain those principles and 
adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case 
itself. . . The four persons in question are now 



278 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

held in military custody at Fort Warren. . . 
They will be cheerfully liberated." — Secretary 
Sevjcird to Lord Lyons. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 Enumerate reasons given for recognizing in- 
dependence of the south ? 

2 What conclusions can be drawn from 
Beecher's speech ? 

3 State the difference between the attitude of 
the cabinet and of Victoria and Prince Albert 
toAvard America on account of the Trent affair. 

4 Which attit ude was presented to the American 
government ? Prove your answer. 

5 Why did our government surrender the pris- 
oners ? 

6 To what principles and policy does Secretary 
Seward refer and when did our government as- 
sert them ? 



LINCOLN'S ANSAVER TO GREELEY'S PRAYER 
(Lincoln's Works, v. 2, pp. 227-228.) 

'^ . . . I have not meant to leave any one in 
doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it 
the shortest way under the constitution. The 
sooner the national authority can be restored, the 
nearer the Union will be ' the Union as it was. ' 



LINCOLN ON EMANCIPATION 279 

If there be those who would not save the Union 
unless they could at the same time save slavery, 
I do not agree with them. If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the 
same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with 
them. My paramount object ... is to save the 
Union, and not either to save or destroy slav- 
ery. . . 

' ' What I do about slavery and the colored race I 
do because I believe it helps to save this Union ; 
and what I forbear I forbear because I do not be- 
lieve it would help save the Union. . . 

^" I have here stated my purpose according to my 
views of official duty ; and I intend no modifica- 
tion of my oft-expressed personal wish that all 
men everywhere could be free." 

LINCOLN'S RESPONSE TO THE CHICAGO MINISTERS 
(Lincoln's Works, v. 2, p. 234-236.) 

^' The subject presented in the memorial is one 
upon which I have thought much for weeks 
past, and I may even say for months. . . What 
good would a proclamation of emancipation from 
me do, especially as we are now situated ? . . . 
Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot 
even enforce the constitution in the rebel states ? 
. . . Understand, I raise no objections against 
it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, as com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy in time of 



280 FERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

war I suppose I have a right to take any measure 
which may best subdue the enemy ; nor do I urge 
objections of a moral nature, in view of possible 
consequences of insurrection and massacre at the 
south. . . I hs^ye not decided against a proc- 
lamation of liberty to the slaves. . . And I can 
assure you that the subject is on my mind, 
by day and night more than any other. What- 
ever shall appear to be God's will, I will do. . ." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What is meant by the expression ^' the Union 
as it was ?" What class of men made it a motto ? 
Why? 

2 Enumerate the different views held in re- 
gard to union and slavery. Who held these 
views ? 

3 Try to justify Lincoln's paramount object. 

4: What objections did Lincoln find to freeing 
the slaves ? 

5 As slavery was a legal institution, how could 
Lincoln say he had no legal objections to abolish- 
ing it ? 



BORDER STATE SENTIMENT 281 

LI. 

BORDER STATE SENTIMENT, 18G1-62 
(Congressional Globe.) 

Mr. Kelley of Pennsylvania — It is stated to 
be the purpose of a majority of this house to 
Africanize American society. Sir, that is not the 
object of any man on this floor. 

Mr. Wads worth of Kentucky — We want to 
know of the north if they are going to unclasp 
the loving arms of Kentucky and fling her into 
that vortex which has swallowed so many kin- 
dred states? The worst course you can pursue 
... is to attempt to conflscate the slaves or 
other property of the inhabitants of the rebel 
states. 

Garrett Davis of Kentucky — You propose to 
place arms in the hands of the men and boys, . . . 
and to manumit the whole mass, men, women 
and children, and leave them among us. Do you 
expect us to give our sanction and approval to 
these things ? No, no ! We would regard their 
authors as our worst enemies ; and there is no 
foreign despotism that could come to our rescue 
that we would not joyously embrace. . . But 
before we had invoked this foreign despotism we 
would arm every man and boy 7 . , and we would 
meet you in the death grapple. 



282 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

Mr. Fouke of Illinois — It is true . . . that 
a majority of the Illinois troops . . . have been 
enlisted south of the center line of the state. 
. . . The political predilections of a majority 
of them from that section of the state are oj^posed 
to those of the present administration, and, while 
they have rallied with entire unanimity in support 
of the government, they are now and will ever 
remain unalterably opposed to bestowing their 
energies in a war for the emancipation of the 
slaves. 

Mr. Riddle of Ohio — The result of this war is 
freedom for all. Every day of its continuance, 
every dragging moment, makes this end the more 
inevitable. Every step on slave soil, every battle 
fought, no matter with what temporary result, 
every musket fired, every sword brandished, every 
soldier that suffers, and every heart that mourns, 
but makes this result the more absolute. 

Mr. Noell of Missouri— Evii it is the weakness 
of cowards . . . that now lifts up weak hands 
in helpless horror and raises querulous voices in 
feeble wails and cries for mercy to the rebels. 
Mercy is now treason, rape, arson, an infraction 
of the whole decalogue. 

Mr. Lane of Kansas— 1 deny that this govern- 
ment cannot take the slaves of the loyal and dis- 
loyal, and that they are estopped from making 
any use of them that they choose for the suppres- 
sion of this rebellion, and having made use of 



LINCOLN AND VALLANDIGHAM 283 

them, I say it would be a crime before God to 
return them to slavery. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What was the nature of the change in the 
purpose of the war that some feared ? 

2 Enumerate the variety of sentiment prevail- 
ing among border state men. Account for this 
variety. 

3 Does not Riddle contradict Kelley ? Prove 
your answer. 



LII. 

LINCOLN'S REPLY TO THE ALBANY RESOLUTIONS 

(Abraham Lincoln. Complete works : ed. by Nicolay and 
Hay, V. 2. p. 349, 363.) 

*'. . . It is asserted in substance, that Mr. 
Vallandigham was, by a military commander, 
seized and tried ' for no other reason than words 
addressed to a public meeting in criticism of the 
course of the administration, and in condemnation 
of the military orders of the general.' Now, if 
there be no mistake about this ... if there was 
no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that 
the arrest was wrong . . . Mr. Vallandigham 
avows his hostility to the war on the part of the 
Union ; and his arrest was made because he was 
laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising 



284 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

of troops, to encourage desertion from the army, 
and to leave the rebelhon without an adequate 
military force to suppress it. He was not ar- 
rested because he was damaging the political 
prospects of the administration or tlie personal 
interests of the commanding general, but because 
he was damaging the army, upon the existence 
and vigor of which the life of the nation de- 
pends. . . . 

'^ I understand the meeting whose resolutions I 
am considering to be in favor of suppressing the 
rebellion by military force — by armies. Long 
experience has shown that armies cannot be 
maintained unless desertions shall be punished b}? 
the severe penalty of death. The case requires, 
and the law and the constitution sanction, this 
punishment. Must I shoot a simple-minded 
soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch 
a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to 
desert ? This is none the less injurious when 
effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend 
into a public meeting, and there working upon 
his feelings till he is persuaded to write the soldier 
boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a 
wicked administration of a contemptible govern- 
ment, too weak to arrest and punish him if he 
shall desert. I think that, in such a case, to 
silence the agitator and save the boy is not only 
constitutional, but withal a great mercy. ..." 



LINCOLN AND VALLANDTGHAM ^85 

LINCOLN'S REPLY TO THE OHIO COMMITTEE 

'^ .-. Your own attitude, therefore, encour- 
ages desertion, resistance to the draft, and the 
like. . . . 

' ' After a short personal intercourse with 3^ou, 
gentlemen of the committee, I cannot say I think 
you desire this effect to follow your attitude ; but 
I assure you that both friends and enemies of the 
Union look upon it in this light. It is a substan- 
tial hope ... to the enemy. If it is a false hope 
and one which you would willingly dispel, I will 
make the way exceedingly easy. 

^' I send you duplicates of this letter in order that 
you, or a majority of you, may, if you choose, 
indorse your names upon one of them and return 
it thus indorsed to me with the understanding 
that those signing are thereby committed to the 
following propositions and to nothing else : 

" 1 That there is now a rebellion in the United 
States, the object and tendency of which is to 
destroy the national Union ; and that, in your 
opinion, an army and navy are constitutional 
means for suppressing that rebellion ; 

" 2 That no one of you will do anything which, 
in his own judgment, will tend to hinder the 
increase, or favor the decrease, or lessen the effi- 
ciency of the army or navy, while engaged in the 
effort to suppress that rebellion ; and 

" 3 That each of you will, in his sphere, do all 



286 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

he can to have the officers, soldiers, and seamen 
of the army and navy, while engaged in the effort 
to suppress the rebellion, paid, fed, clad, and 
otherwise well provided for and supported. 

" And with the further understanding that upon 
receiving the letter and names thus indorsed, I 
will cause them to be published, which publi- 
cation shall be, within itself, a revocation of the 
order in relation to Mr. Vallandigham." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What was the alleged, and what was the real 
reason for Vallandigham's arrest ? 

2 What constitutional questions did his arrest 
raise ? 

3 Show the contradiction between the acts and 
the professions of the Albany meeting. 

4 Show how the attitude of the Ohio committee 
encouraged desertions and opposition to the 
draft. 

5 Why did the Ohio committee not sign the 
propositions ? 



LIII. 

EXTRACTS BEARING ON THE RESTORATION OF THE 
UNION 

*^In my correspondence with Mr. Lincoln, that 
functionary has always spoken of the United 



OPINION ON THE RESTORATION OF THE UNION 287 

States and the confederacy as ' Our afflicted 
country ; ' but, in my replies, I have never failed 
to refer to them as separate and distinct govern- 
ments ; and, sooner than we should ever be united 
again, I would be willing to yield up everything 
I have on earth, and, if it were possible, would 
sacrifice my life a thousand times before I would 
succumb." — Jefferson Davis, Feb., 1865. 

"That we approve the determination of the 
government of the United States not to com- 
promise with rebels, nor to offer them any terms 
of peace except such as may be based upon an 
unconditional surrender of their hostility and a 
return to their just allegiance to the constitution 
and the laws of the United States. 

"That, as slavery was the cause and now con- 
stitutes the strength of this rebellion, and as it 
must be always and everywhere hostile to the 
principles of republican government, justice and 
the national safety demand its utter and complete 
extirpation from the soil of the republic." — Re- 
puhlican platform, 1864. 

" That in the future, as in the past, we will 
adhere with unswerving fidelity to the union 
under the constitution, as the only solid founda- 
tion of our strength, security and happiness as 
a people, and as a framework of government 
equally conducive to the welfare and prosperity of 
all the states, both northern and southern. 

" Resolved^ That the aim and object of the dem- 



288 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

ocratic party is to preserve the federal union 
and the rights of the states unimpaired ; and they 
hereby declare that they consider the administra- 
tive usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous 
powers not granted by the constitution, the sub- 
version of the civil by military law in states not 
in insurrection, the arbitrary military arrest, 
imprisonment, trial, and sentence, of American 
citizens in states where civil law exists in full 
force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of 
the press, the denial of the right of asylum, the 
open and avowed disregard of state rights, the 
employment of unusual test oaths, and the inter- 
ference with and denial of the right of the people 
to bear arms, as calculated to prevent a restora- 
tion of the Union and the perpetuation of a govern- 
ment deriving its just powers from the consent 
of the governed." — Democratic platform, 1864. 

'' The re-establishment of the Union, in all its 
integrity, is and must continue to be the indis- 
pensable condition in any settlement. So soon 
as it is clear, or even probable, that our present 
adversaries are ready for peace upon the basis of 
the Union, we should exhaust all the resources of 
statesmanship practiced by civilized nations and 
taught by the traditions of the American people, 
consistent with the honor and interests of the 
country, to secure such peace, re-establish the 
Union, and guarantee for the future the con- 
stitutional rights of every state. The Union is 



OPINION ON THE RESTORATION OF THE UNION 289 

the one condition of peace. We ask no more. 
. . I could not look in the face my gallant 
comrades of the army and navy who have survived 
so many bloody battles, and tell them that their 
labors and the sacrifice of so many of our slain 
and wounded brethren had been in vain — that we 
had abandoned that Union for which we have so 
often periled our lives. A vast majority of our 
people, whether in the army and navy, or at 
home, would, as I would, hail with unbounded 
joy the permanent restoration of peace on the 
basis of the Union under the constitution, with- 
out the effusion of another drop of blood ; but no 
peace can be permanent without union. . ." 
— Gen. McClellan, Letter of acceptance. 

Topics for Paper. 

1 State the difference between the above extracts 
witli reference to the way in which the union was 
to be restored. 

2 Keeping in mind the position of Davis, which 
of the other methods of restoration were possible ? 
Why? 

3 Enumerate the causes, given in the demo- 
cratic platform, which tend to prevent a restora- 
tion of the union. 

4 State the difference between the parties in 
their interpretation of the constitution. 

19 



290 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

LIV. 

COLLAPSE of THE COXFEDERACY 

(Extracts from tlie Diary of a Piebel War Clerk.) 

•'To-day, I saw t^YO conscripts from western 
Virginia conducted to the cars going to Lee's 
army in chains. It made a chill shoot through 
my breast. 

"Lee writes that the Bureau of Conscription 
fails to replenish the army. The rich men and 
shiYe-owners get out and keep out of the service. 
Nearly every landed proprietor has given bonds 
to furnish meal to obtain exemption. Over 100,- 
000 landed proprietors, and most of the slave- 
owners, are now out of the ranks, and soon, I fear, 
we shall have an army that will not fight, having 
nothing to fight for. The higher class is staying 
at home making money, the lower is thrust into 
the trenches. Lee complains that the rich young 
men are elected magistrates to avoid service in 
the field. Guards everywhere in the city are 
arresting pedestrians, and forcing them into the 
army. The militia are all out except those hidden 
in the back rooms of their shops. . . Colonel 
Gardner reports that of the citizens taken from 
the streets to the front last week, a majority have 
deserted — that despotic order is the theme of 



COLLAPSE OF THE CONFEDERACY. i91 

universal execration. Brigadier-General Preston, 
of the Bureau of Conscription, says there are now 
100,000 deserters. . . The books of the conscript 
office show a frightful list of deserters — 60,000 
Virginians. . . The poor men in the army can 
get nothing for their families, and there is a pros- 
pect of their starving. 

' ' General Early's cavalry, being mostly men of 
property, were two-thirds of them on furlough or 
detail, when the enemy advanced on Charlottes- 
ville, and the infantry, being poor, with no means 
either to bribe the authorities, to fee members of 
congress, or to aid their suffering families, de- 
clined to hght in defense of the property of the 
rich and absent neighbors ! 

. . . With reference to the employment of 
negroes as soldiers, I think the measure not only 
expedient but necessary ... I do not think our 
white population can supply the necessities of a 
long war without taxing its capacity and impos- 
ing great suffering upon our people ... I think 
those who are employed should be freed. It 
would neither be just nor wise to require them 
to serve as slaves."— (7e?iera? R. E. Lee, Feb. 18, 
1865. 

" I saw a captain, a commissary, give his dog 
a piece of beef for which I vfouid have paid 
a dollar. Many little children of soldiers were 
standing by with empty baskets. A poor woman 
yesterday applied to a merchant in Carey Street 



292 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

to purchase a barrel of flour. The price he de- 
manded was $70. ' My God ! ' exclaimed she, 
' how can I pay such prices ? I have seven 
children. What shall I do?' 'I don't know, 
madam,' said he, coolly,^ unless you eat your 
children ! '" 

Major Ferguson having got permission of the 
Quartermaster- Greneral to sell me a suit of 
cloth — there being a piece too dark for the army, 
I got . . . enough for coat, pants and vest at 
$12 per yard — the price in the stores is $125 ; and 
I have the promise of the government tailor to 
make it up for some $30 or $10, the ordinary price 
being $350 . . . Tom has bought a new black 
coat made before the war, for $175 . . . And my 
daughter Anne has made three fine bonnets, . . . 
from the debris of old ones ; the price of these 
would be $700. So I fear not but we shall be fed 
and clad by the providence of God. 

Dec. 30, 1864 ... I saw selling at auction, 
to-day, second-hand shirts at $10 each and 
blankets at $75. A bedstead, such as I have 
bought for $10 brought $700. 

January 2d, 1865. — Offered the owner of our 
servant $100 per annum. He wants $150 and 
clothing. Clothing would cost perhaps $1,000. 
It remains in abeyance. 

January 6th. — Corn-meal has risen from $50 
up to $75 per bushel. Flour to $500 per barrel. 

January 9th. — Flour is $700 per barrel to-day ; 



COLLAPSE OF THE CONFEDERACY Z\)6 

meal $80 per bushel ; coal and wood $100 per 
load. Does the government (alone to blame) 
mean to allow the rich speculators, the quarter- 
masters, etc., to starve honest men mto the 
Union ? 

January 14th. — Flour is $1,000 per barrel to- 
day. 

January 18th. — Flour is $1,256 per barrel to- 
day. 

January 27th. — My wood-house was broken into 
last night and two (of the nine) sticks of wood 
taken. Wood is selling at $5 a stick this cold 
morning ; mercury at zero. 



DESPOTISM OF THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT. 

(Johnson and Browne's Life of A. H. Stephenson.) 

'' I am satisfied that I can do no good here. . . 
I have strong inclinations to resign. ... I shall 
do nothing hastily or rashly, but I can never ap- 
prove doctrines and principles which are likely to 
become fixed in this country. ... If this bill 
passes (bill to suspend habeas corpus). ... I do 
trust that Governor Brown will issue his procla- 
mation advising the justices of the inferior courts 
to disregard it until the matter may be adjudicat- 
ed by our own supreme court. If that court shall 
decide the act to be constitutional, I shall feel 
very little further interest in the result of the 
conflict. It will simply be a conflict between 



/' 



294 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

dynasties — a struggle between two powers, — not 
for rights or constitutional liberty, but for des- 
potism." — Vice-Pres. Stephenson, Dec. 1864. 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What was the fundamental cause of fre- 
quent and severe conscriptions in the south ? 

2 What reasons exempted one from conscrip- 
tion ! 

3 Enumerate motives of different classes for 
desertion or exemption. 

4 What proofs do you find that this was ^^ a 
rich man's war and a poor man's fight ? " 

5 What reasons can you discover for the rapid 
rise in prices in the south ? 

6 What inferences can be drawn from the Vice- 
President Stephenson's words ? 



LY. 

THE KUKLUX KLAN. 

(U. S. — House. 42d. cong. 2d. sess. Beport of Committee^ No. 22, 
pt. 1, p. 23, 48.) 

Presentment of U. S. grand jury^ Columbia, 

S. C. 

'^ . . . That there has existed since 1868 
... an organization known as the ' Kuklux 



THE KUKLUX KLAN 295 

Klan' or ' Invisible empire of the south,' which 
embraces in its membership a large proportion of 
the white population of every profession and 
class. . . 

" I (name) before the immaculate Judge of 
Heaven and Earth, and upon the holy evangelists 
of Almighty God, do, of my own free will and 
accord, subscribe to the following sacredly binding 
obligation. 

^' 1 We are on the side of justice, humanity, and 
constitutional liberty, as bequeathed to us in its 
purity by our forefathers. 

" 2 We oppose and reject the principles of the 
radical party. 

^' 3 We pledge mutual aid to each other in sick- 
ness, distress, and pecuniary embarrassment. 

^^4 . . . Any member divulging, or causing 
to be divulged, any of the foregoing obligations, 
shall meet the fearful penalty and traitor's doom, 
which is Death ! Death ! Death ! 

^' . . , That the Klan . . . inflicted summary 
vengeance on the colored citizens of these 
countries, by breaking into their houses at the 
dead of night, dragging them from their beds, 
torturing them in the most inhuman manner, and 
in many instances murdering them ; and this, 
mainly, on account of their x>oUtical affiliations." 



296 PERIOD OF NATIONALITY 

Testimony of James M. Justice, native of 
North Carolina. 

' ^ He (the chief of the Klan) then commenced 
telhng how mean I had been in supporting the 
republican party, and advocating principles that 
gave negroes the right to vote and hold office, 
and asked me if I did not know that the constitu- 
tion, as they had it before negroes w^ere free, was 
better . . . 'and we are going to kill all men 
like you who advocate and support any such 
government or constitution. . . I have come 
here to-night with positive orders to take your 
life ; it has been decreed in camp.' " 

THE CARPET-BAGGERS 

Testimony of Oen. James H. Clanton, Alabama. 

''If a man should come there and invest 
$100,000, and in the next year should seek the 
highest office by appealing to the basest prejudices 
of an ignorant race, we would call him a political 
carpet-bagger. But if he followed his legi- 
timate business . . . behaved himself . . . we 
should call him a gentleman. Gen. Warner 
bought land. . . Before his seat in Ohio had 
got cold he was running the negro machine 
among us to put himself in office. . . But he 
came just after, if not before, his senatorial term 
in Ohio expired, and by ring, in with the negroes, 
attained that position." 



THE KUKLUX KLAN 29T 

Testimony of (jen. Wrigiit, Georgia. 

" They (negroes) were taken possession of hy 
a class of men . . . in some way connected 
with the Freedmen's bureau ; they sw^armed all 
over the country. They made the negroes believe 
that unless they banded themselves together 
. the white people w^ould put them back 
into slavery. . . Up to the latter part of 1868 
that by voting they were going to get a division 
of the land and stock of the country. These 
carpet-baggers would go down there and actu- 
ally sell stakes to them . . . but these rascals 
would . . . sell painted stakes to these negroes, 
and tell them that all they had to do was to put 
down the stakes on their owners' farms, and 
forty acres of land would be theirs after the 
election." 

Topics for Papers. 

1 What do you infer as to 

a Nature of the Kuklux organization ? 
b Its purposes ? 
c Its work ? 

2 Enumerate the causes, discovered above, of 
such an organization. 

3 Carpet-baggers. 

a Who were they ? 

b Enumerate their faults. 

c Was it possible for them to do any good ? 



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The School Bulletin 

AND NEW YORK STATE EDUCATIQ^IAL JOOBNAL, 

Established 1874. 24 pages, 9 x 14. $1.00 a year. 

The School Bulletin is one of the five oldest educational journals in 
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In the feature of educational news it has never had a rival. Its chroni- 
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Its Current Topics give a chronicle of what occured during the preced- 
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It is therefore primarily an educational journal for New York teachers, 
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School Bulletin Teachers' Agency. 

Not one desirable place in fifty is filled now-a-days except directly or 
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holding responsible positions are themselves enrolled in some Agency and 
give to this Agency immediate information of prospective changes. Hence 
an outside teacher has no chance to learn of vacancies. Before he hears of 
them they have been filled by candidates notified by the Agency. A pro- 
gressive teacher could afford the annual fee for enrolment in an Agency for 
the information alone. He might not care to use it, but it is worth two dol- 
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of. 

The Best Agencies, however, do not depend on information alone. By 
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The Fact is, matters do not go so much by chance as they used to in fill- 
ing vacancies. Time was when nothing was said or thought of changes till 
the end of the year, but nowadays teachers and school boards both have 
their eyes wide open. We happen to know as we write that a man now 
principal of a S1600 school wiU before the end of the year be appointed 
teacher in one of the normal schools. We are pretty well satisfied that a 
man now getting SliOO will have the $1600 place. If lie gets it we have our 
eye on another man now gettuig $1100 who will be glad of the $1400 place : 
in every case because these men are especially fitted for these places and 
desirous of them. All this in January. Now next June some principal who 
saves his two dollars by not registering in an Agency will read in the morn- 
ing newspaper that Principal So-and-so has been appointed to such a chair 
in'such a normal school, and will pack his valise, take the train, and hurry 
off to Principal So-and-so's present place to apply for his position before 
anyone else gets there. It will surprise him to learn that the vacancy was 
provided for six months before— if he does find it out. He has saved his two 
dollars registration fee. but he has lost his time, his car-fare, and whatever 
.chance he stood of the place. 

One year we sent Principal Poland, now State Superintendent of New 
Jersey, to the Jersey City high school at $2500 ; that left a vacancy at Ilion 
which we filled by sending Principal Winne, now of the Poughkeepsie High 
School, at $1600 ; that left a vacancy at Canastota which we filled by sending 
Principal Ottaway at $1200; that left a vacancy at Amsterdam Academy, and 
soon. 

Did you ever see people stand in line at the post-office waiting for their 
mail? As each one is supplied he goes away, giving place to the next, and 
so there is a continual moving-up ; the man who k^eps his place in the line 
will eventually get to the head. In no profession is there so frequent and 
so rapid moving-up as in teaching. To get to the top, do your work well 
Where you are and keep regii^tered. Presently you will be the man that fits 
and will be elected, and if you do fit when you get there the Agency will 
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It is Important, however, not only to register, but to register in the 
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" The School Brdlet'm, edited, owned, and conducted by C. W. Bardeen, 
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we know the man at the head."" 

'' The man at the head " of the School Bulletin Agency makes personal 
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C. W, BARDEEN, Proprietor, Syracuse, N. Y, 



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Pesialozzian Arithmetics. 16mo, 1st Year, pp. 217. 2d Year, pp. 236. Each 50 

Lessons on Number and Form, by C. Reiner. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 439 3 00 

Pick (Dr. E.) Dr. Pick's French, Method. Leatherette, 16mo, pp.118 1 00 

Memory, and the Rational Means of Improving it. Cloth, l(5mo, pp. 193. .. 1 00 

Pitcher (James.) Outlines of Surveying and Navigation. Cloth, 16tno, pp. 121 50 

Plumb (Chas. G.) Map Drawing of New York. Manilla, 8vo, pp. 16 25 

Pooler (Chas. T.) Chart of Civil Oovernment. Sheets 12x18. per hundred.. 5 00 

Hints OH Teaching Orthoepy. Paper, 16mo, pp. 15 10 

"Preece (filLrs. LouiBG,) Physical Cv It ure . Illustrated. Cloth, 4to. pp. 292. 2^00 
Prentice (Mrs. J. B.) Review Problems in Arithmetic. Paper, 16nio, pp. 93. 20 

Key to the above. Paper, 16mo, pp. 20 25 

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Primer of School Management and of Letter- Writing. Manilla, pp. 45, 37, ea. 25 

Quick (R. H.) Essays on Educational Reformers. Cloth, 12mo, pp., 331 155 

Kedway (J. W.) Sckool Geography of Pennsylvania. Leather'te, 16mo, pp. 9? 3& 

♦Regents ' Examination Paper. Per 1000 half-sheets in box 3 00 

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3. Arithmetic. The 1,293 questions in Arithmetic. Pp.93 25 

4. Key to A rithmetic, Answers to the above. Manilla, 16mo, pp. 20 ... . 25 
%. Geography, The 1,987 questions in Geography. Pp.70 25 

7. Key to Geography. Answers to the above. Manilla, l6mo, pp. 36.... 25' 

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Rooper(T. G.) "A Pot of Green Feathers." Leatherette. 16mo, pp. 591.. 5a. 

Object Teaching or Words and Things. Leatherette, 16mo, pp. 56 50 

Ryan (G. W.) School Record. 56 blanks on each of 14 sheets 50 

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Sanford (H. R.) The Word Method in Number. Per box of 45 cards. 50 

The Limited Speller. Leatherette, 16mo, pp. 104 35 

Schepmoes (A. E.) Rise of the New York School System. Leath., 16mo, pp. 32 35 
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I. Huntington's Unconscious Tuition. 
II. Fitch's Art of Questioning. 

III. Kennedy's Philosophy of School 

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IV. Fitch's Art of Securing Attention. 



IX. Maudsley's Sex in Mind and in 

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XI. Harris's How to Teach Natural 
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.,-_,., , , , . J TT^^ifx, ^^l. Dickinson's Oral Teaching. 

V. Richardson sZearnma and maZn. x^U.TiedenvAXMx's Record of Infant Life 

VI. Meiklejohn's New Education. xiV. Butler's Place of Comeniusin Ed- 

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Schreber (D. G. R.) Home Exercise for Health and Cure. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 91 50 

Slisiw's Scholar's Register, Paper, 5x7, pp. 16. Per dozen 50 

Sheely (Aaron) Anecdotes and manors of School Life. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 350 1 50 

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A Quiz Book of Theory and Practice. Clotn, 12mo, pp. 220 1 00 

Spencer (Herbert). Education. 16mo, pp.3fl0. Manilla, 50 cts.; Cloth 100 

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Steven, (VVm.) History of the Edinburgh High School. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 590 2 00 

Stilwell (Lamont) Practical Question Book. Cloth, l2mo, pp. 400 1 50 

Stowell (T. B.) Syllabus of Lectures on Physiology. Boards, 8vo, pp. 133.. 1 00 

Straight (U.K.) Aspects of Lnaustrial Education. Paper, 8vo, pp.12 15 

Swett (John) Manual of Elocution. Cloth, 12mo, pp. 300, nei. 1 50 

Tate (Thos.) The Philosophy of Education. Cloth, 16mo, pp. 330 1 50 

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Thomas (Flavel S.) University Degrees. Paper, 16mo, pp. 40 15 

Thousand Questions in U . S . History . Cloth, 16mo, pp.200 100 

Th-onglits from Earnest Women. Paper, 16mo, pp. 36 15 

Tiedemann (D.) Record of Infant Life. Paper, 16m o, np. 46 15 

Tillinghast (Wm.) The Diadem of School Songs. Boards, 4to, pp. 160. ... 50 

Underwood (L. M.) Systematic Plant Record. Manilla, 7x8Mpp. 52 .SO 

Uniform Examination Paper, for Commissioners. 500 sheets 2 50 

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Welch (Emma A.) Intermediate Arithmetic Problems. Cloth, 16mo,pp. 172 75 

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Wheatley (VVm. A.) Geirnan Declensions Simplified. Paper, 16mo, pp. 53. . . 25 
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Williams (den. ^^^ Topics in Americn,n History. Cloth, t6mo, pp.50 50 

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The Indian and the Pioneer. Cloth, 8vo,"pp. 335. . $3.00 or Two Volumes.. . . 3 50 



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